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The Wikipedia article that I will be writing for the A2 Week 2 Assessment for this module will be titled ‘Language policy in education in Qatar’. The article will be broken down into four main categories: The history of language policies in education, The ‘Education for a new era’ Policy, Implementation and implications of the policy and lastly the learnings and changes since the ‘Education for a new era’. The history of language policies in education section will cover English as a medium of instruction (EMI) in Qatar and the impacts and worries upon the Qatari culture that this may pose. Furthermore, the Gulf states use of language as a means of identity and how this can cause issues when attempting to impose EMI due to the societal importance of the role of language. The RAND organisation created the ‘Education for a new era’ (EFNE) policy for the Qatari government. Within this section, I will cover the creation of the policy, the role of expatriates, and what the EFNE consisted of and how it would be implemented. The implementation of the policy followed a top-down approach and created many implications consequently. I will display different implications and issues that EFNE created, such as for stakeholders, the government involvement, the reception from families and society, as well as the student results. Lastly, I will exhibit and explore the learnings and changes since the ‘Education for a new era’ and the lasting effects that it has made, notably with the removal of the policy and English as a medium of instruction being enforced and thereafter removed.


Final Article:


Education For a New Era in Qatar[edit]

The Qatar education system has faced a series of challenges in producing students who have ‘high-quality outcomes’[1] with regard to academic attainment and achievement, success in the job market and higher education. Therefore, motivation for a new education policy arose to progress the country and its population economically and socially. The Qatari government sought reform for a ‘world-class system that would meet the county’s changing needs’ [2]. The government outsourced to the American corporation ‘RAND’, a not-for-profit organisation dedicated to improving policy and decision-making through research, development, and analysis [3], to examine Qatar’s K-12 education system and produce relevant policies.

The policy that was determined named ‘Education for a New Era’ (EFNE) [1] specified a change in language policy from Arabic as the medium of instruction (MOI) to that of English as the medium of instruction (EMI). The policy ran from 2001 to 2012 [4]. RAND concluded within their analysis that locally, English is spoken by the majority of the population as Qatari nationals only account for 10% of the whole country’s population, with the remaining 90% being expatriates from across the globe [5]. Of these 90%, 18% speak Qatari Arabic and other forms of Arabic [5]. The remaining percentage speak a wide variety of languages, with the common denominator being English, consequently the lingua franca and de facto second language in Qatar [6]. Internationally, English is recognised with ‘prestige, competitiveness, employability, and economic success’ [7] and is indispensable and essential in education for progression into successful paths. The recognition of the English language’s power in potential success in one’s life is a controversial topic with connotations to capitalism, colonialism, globalisation, and the deterioration of cultures. The controversy of EMI in Qatar resides around the county’s previous history with colonialism, the rush of globalisation into the country, and the reduction of Islam and Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) if English prevails. Other challenges that EFNE faced include the implementation and preparation of the policy, the stakeholders’ perceptions, and the students’ performance.

History of Education[edit]

Before Qatar's first production of oil in 1949 [8], there was little formal education for the country's children. Education would appear through mosques and in a 'kuttab' in which the Qur'an and other scriptures would be memorised and recited, and reading and writing would be studied and practised [3]. Wealthy figures and families could only pursue the available formal education, and there was no government funding; private tutors would be hired by merchants and the ruling families [9].

Start of Education[edit]

Drawing of a Kuttab setting

Comprehensive education started in 1947 when a school for boys opened in the capital city Doha [3]. 'Madrasat Alislah Alhamdiah' presented itself as what would now be known as a modern-day primary school and had financial support from the government [3]. The curriculum of the school was based on that of the Kuttab schools and the Egyptian curriculum, but with the additions of Arabic language and grammar, maths, Islamic religious studies, geography, handicrafts, and English language; this was the first introduction of English into the Qatari education system [3]. In 1956 the first public school for girls was opened with a similar curriculum to that of the boys' school and was based upon the proclamation from Sheikh Al Mani, a Qatari academic scholar, that 'girls' education was consistent with Islam' [1]. The creation of contemporary public schools opened in Qatar prompted the establishment of a Ministry of education known as 'Wizarat Al-Maarif' to oversee schools, curriculum, student progression, and funding [3].

System before EFNE[edit]

As the schooling system progressed, more classifications of schools emerged and stood until the introduction of EFNE.

  • 'Community' schools – directed to expatriate children from specific countries and sponsored by embassies.
  • 'International' schools – foreign curriculum that enrols both expatriates and nationals.
  • 'Private' schools – traditional Qatari Arabic curriculum directed to Qatari nationals and other Arabs [1]

For each of these schools, the Qatari government has ruled attendance compulsory for all Qatari citizens from kindergarten to high school [4].

2001 realisation[edit]

By 2001 the Qatari K-12 education system had reached a standstill and was 'not producing high-quality outcomes and was rigid, outdated and resistant to reform' [2]. To get a more advanced education than the traditional Qatari private schools, parents began to send their children abroad or to international schools as the curriculum was recognised as superior and often, the students would graduate with a higher level of English proficiency [5].

Use of language[edit]

Since its independence from the British in 1968 [10], Qatar declared that as it's state developed, its cultural history would be maintained, particularly around the use and significance of the Arabic language, and when possible, remove its identity from foreign influences [5]. Arabic, the national language, is held with prestige and respect and is chiefly used in legal systems and government functions [6]. On the other hand, high dependence on foreign labour has resulted in a large influx of languages creating a multilingual and multicultural society.

Rise of the English language[edit]

Qatar's rise in the use of the English language has been witnessed as development and media relations expand and become more available to the public. The large presence of expatriates, especially within labour, mostly whom communicate in English, encourage the speaking of the language, and augment the argument for English being the lingua franca and de facto second language in Qatar. On top of this, day-to-day social interactions in English within international and local businesses and organisations place Qatar in an ever widening 'expanding circle of English' [6].

The launch of Al-Jazeera English in 2006 [6] further strengthened the use of English in Qatar as English speakers across the globe could partake in Arab affairs and highlighted Doha as an area of interest. Moreover, non-Arabic speaking residents in Qatar were welcomed to Qatari politics, news, education, and broadcasts that Al-Jazeera English covered.

Although English is becoming more accustomed to in Qatari culture, fears and weariness of its progression still remain with the concern of westernisation and the collapse of the importance of the Arabic language, 'intensified feelings of insecurity about the Arabic language and represented a thornback to the colonial days where English ruled supreme' [5].

Education For a New Era Policy[edit]

Previous education policies undertaken by the Qatar government revolved around ‘promoting social values and Islamic traditions and preserving local heritage among its citizens’ [6]. While recognising that these are important in the development of children, academic achievement was slow with little prospect of advancement. This led to overall dissatisfaction from the Qatari population and a desire to ‘embrace recent global trends in education that encourage the development of critical thinking, communication skills, digital knowledge, and teamwork’ [5].

Weaknesses in the public school education system before the implementation of EFNE included:

  • Absence of vision in the progress of the education system
  • The top-down approach to running schools and no innovations for change
  • Little investment into education in comparison to the nation’s wealth
  • No space for teachers' personal and professional development
  • Unstructured and undemanding curriculum
  • Infrequent communication with stakeholders [1][3]

RAND insights[edit]

To combat the weaknesses in the Qatar K-12 education system, the Qatari government collaborated with the RAND corporation to analyse how the educational system could be reformed to international benchmarks and practices [5]. RAND operated with four main objectives: ‘1. Understand and describe the current system. 2. Identify problems with the system. 3. Recommend alternative reform options to improve the system. 4. Devise a plan to implement the chosen reform option’ [1] .

Rand Headquarters, California

After the four-month analysis [1], a series of recommendations were provided to improve the K-12 education system. These included the continuation of promoting a reform and the importance of investment into education and the expansion of the supply of high-quality schools, and the need for an integration of a policy that suited all cultures [1]. RAND felt that integrating a language policy would be most suitable and would be the first language policy to be introduced into Qatari education [5]. A language policy was reasoned as appropriate and would be implemented with ease as the professionals within the education system were enthusiastic, committed and had a desire for change, plus had an understanding of international development initiatives [1].

Models[edit]

RAND proposed three different models to the Qatari government on how to best implement the EMI language policy:

  • Modified centralised model – the addition of new elements to the standing system
  • Charter model – privatised system with some government control
  • Voucher model – minimal government involvement with subsidies for tuition provided by the government [1]

Qatar decided upon the Charter school model and, in turn, created 170 independent schools [11]. This model was tailored to ensure stakeholders such as parents could choose what school their child attended and have more accessibility to those running the school instead of attempting to contact a government board. Likewise, a ‘centralised bureaucracy[1] would not be needed to run the schools as teachers and principals would have the power to adjust their teaching methods and curriculum to best suit their pupils. Instead, the government would impose standardised exams to check student and school progress and performance throughout the year[11].

The Charter school model, later called the independent school model, followed the principles of ‘autonomy, accountability, variety and choice’ [1]. These principles would ensure that students had access to a blended modern curriculum with an individualised teaching approach as teachers would have more independence in the classroom [1]. Furthermore, changes in school management meant that principals and administrators could make decisions that they felt would best benefit the school, creating the possibility of professional development, motivation, and job satisfaction [1].

EMI[edit]

The EFNE language policy used EMI in ‘mathematics, science, and technology in the K-12 system’ [5]. These subjects were the base of the whole curriculum and felt to be the most important to be taught in English, as these had the most relevance to success after education. The promotion of the English language was also amplified by significant population increases ‘614,000 in the year 2000, to 1,700,000 in 2010’ [5]. This increase was primarily due to large influxes of expatriates working in Qatar, synonymously boosting its development and economy. EMI would ensure that those with the knowledge of English would not become marginalised in an ever-developing cultural sphere.

EFNE launch[edit]

EFNE was fully launched in March 2003 and was imposed on all new independent schools [1]. Updates for the progression of the policy were provided through regular publications to stakeholders and an annual report to the government [1] A bilingual website was also launched comprising of news stories and updates on different schools [1].

Implementation and Implications[edit]

The implementation of EFNE permitted teachers to have more academic and managing freedoms. The reduced reliance on government approvals and stricter curriculums meant that teachers were more motivated ‘innovative and creative’ [2] to teach and develop their students’ knowledge. Like the teachers, the school principals changed the perception of their roles to one of ‘mentor and motivator’ [2] as their school progressed through their own initiatives. Despite these successes, failures in the implementation and sourcing of teachers for EFNE resulted in underqualified staff. Recognised in 2012, on average, across all EFNE schools, only 67% of teachers had the correct level of education for their position, and the remaining 33% were not officially trained for the job [4]. Equivalently to the teaching staff, the school leaders and principals varied between 54-60% in holding relevant leadership training to run their schools[4].

Top-down approach[edit]

EFNE attempted to move away from the traditional top-down allocation of the education system, yet when implemented, the approach remained. The policy was employed quickly, and the reduction of institutional support and guidance created a heavy workload for the schools to complete by the deadline of the start of term [5]. The top-down enforcement affected the execution of EFNE, and these specific segments were disregarded:

  • Sourcing qualified teachers who had proficiency in English and were pedagogically qualified
  • Enforcing EFNE to all ages all at once without consideration of the student’s capability of English
  • Wide variations in student ability, academically and with the use of the English language and how they were to combine this [5]

Language in the classroom[edit]

EMI in the classroom saw implications for the students, especially regarding the expected sudden change to English ‘difficulties of switching between the two languages and the extra time required to learn content in both languages’ [12]. Struggling students often speak broken English, often called ‘Gulf English’ and ‘Arabizi’[6][4]. Difficulties with the enforcement of English also resulted in a decline in the standard of Arabic as students struggled with the differences between the local dialect and Modern Standard Arabic [4]. Although EFNE was hard to grasp for students, many of the older students welcomed the language change as they grasped the importance of the language due to the current globalisation of the job market ‘studying in English is the gate to success in acquiring knowledge in professional fields’ [12].

View of language[edit]

Implementing EFNE heightened concerns of English diminishing the role of Arabic and its cultural importance ‘English competing with the mother tongue’ [5] The Arabic language is a ‘source of great pride and a symbol of individual, social, and cultural identity’ [5], so the implementation of English in K-12 education created fear of the dissolving importance of Arabic and portrayed English as ‘destroying local cultures and taking their place’ [12]. Additionally, this routed back to concerns and memories of colonialism and the association of English as an ‘aggressive language’ [12]. However, RAND claimed that EMI would not have any effect on Qatari identity and society as ‘individuals and communities do not build their identity around language alone’ [5].

Stakeholders[edit]

Parents welcomed EFNE due to the previous poor K-12 education system. Yet, after applying the policy, their children’s battle with the English language had a counterintuitive effect. 25% of parents hired private tutors to aid their children with their English skills as they struggled to apply their language skills to the terminology of their subjects [2]. Furthermore, the parents’ education did not involve intensive English language skills and often found they did not understand their children when they needed help and support with homework [4]. The removal of this source of help for the child made them miss out on the ‘formal and informal connections, communications and partnerships with the child’s school and teachers’[2].

Opinion of RAND[edit]

Akin to worries of English onsetting colonial trends, the RAND corporation posed to some as a symbol of western power, enforcing ‘more English, less Islam’ (M2). RAND symbolised the power of globalisation and how it had the possibility to ‘open the gates for westernising society’ [5].

After EFNE[edit]

Twelve years on from the launch of EFNE, Qatar still faced severe education disparities from the rest of the world and placed fifth-worst in the 2009 International Student Assessment (PISA) tests [11]. 7,300 (12.3 %) students in grades 4 to 11 failed their exams during the national standardised exams [11]. Only 8-20% of students successfully grasped the curriculum and language change [5]. Graduates from the independent schools were often found to apply to bridge programs before higher education or employment to improve their language skills in both Arabic and English [11].

2012 change[edit]

The absence of evident success from EFNE led to the discontinuation of RAND’s contract with Qatar and the reverting of EMI to Arabic as the MOI in K-12 schools [4]. Qatar’s illiteracy rates in 2012 were the lowest compared to all Arabic-speaking nations; once the rates were revealed, schools began to revert to teaching maths and science in Arabic [4].

Critiques to the change back to Arabic as the MOI stated that those ‘who have concentrated on mastering science in English will now be at a disadvantage’ [11]. Others also claim that EMI was removed too soon for precise results to be seen and for the policy to settle, and instead, the pre-2003 system has been recreated [12].

Criticisms[edit]

Disparities and inequality in the classroom appeared after the application of EFNE. Some students grasped the use of English faster than others ‘there is no equality of treatment merely by providing students with the same facilities, textbooks, teacher and curriculum; for students who do not understand English are effectively foreclosed from any meaningful education’ [13]. This was one of the reasons for reversing the language policy, as those who suffered due to EMI were not benefiting at all from any of the available education; therefore, their time was wasted in the system ‘wholly incomprehensible and in no way meaningful’ [13]. The spectrum of ability and academic performance that was created due to EFNE meant it became necessary for a good proficiency in English to succeed in other subjects.

Language Association[edit]

Separating educational language from everyday religion and social life was found to be problematic during the period of implementation of EFNE. Association of different languages to do and mean different things, such as English for education and modernity and Arabic with more symbolic and religious connotations, was hard to differ for children and parents [5]. EFNE elevated ‘language attitudes’ [12] and separated English and Arabic to oppose one another and the populations’ opinions of the languages and their undertones.

References[edit]

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q Brewer, Dominic J.; Augustine, Catherine H.; Zellman, Gail L.; Ryan, Gery; Goldman, Charles A.; Stasz, Cathleen; Constant, Louay (2007). Education for a New Era: Design and Implementation of K–12 Education Reform in Qatar (1 ed.). RAND Corporation. ISBN 978-0-8330-4007-7.
  2. ^ a b c d e f Ellili-Cherif, Maha; Romanowski, Michael Henry (2013-11-13). "Education for a New Era: Stakeholders' Perception of Qatari Education Reform". International Journal of Education Policy and Leadership. 8 (6). doi:10.22230/ijepl.2013v8n6a438. ISSN 1555-5062.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g Al-Obaidli, Kholode (2010-07). Women ESL teachers' perception about their roles and professional development needs in Qatar’s education for a new era (d_ph thesis). University of Birmingham. {{cite thesis}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i Kirkpatrick, Robert; Barnawi, Osman Z. (2017), Kirkpatrick, Robert (ed.), "Introduction: English Language Education Policy in MENA", English Language Education Policy in the Middle East and North Africa, vol. 13, Cham: Springer International Publishing, pp. 1–8, doi:10.1007/978-3-319-46778-8_1, ISBN 978-3-319-46776-4, retrieved 2022-05-18
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r Mustafawi, Eiman; Shaaban, Kassim (2019-05-01). "Language policies in education in Qatar between 2003 and 2012: from local to global then back to local". Language Policy. 18 (2): 209–242. doi:10.1007/s10993-018-9483-5. ISSN 1573-1863.
  6. ^ a b c d e f Hillman, Sara; Ocampo Eibenschutz, Emilio (2018-06). "English, super-diversity, and identity in the State of Qatar". World Englishes. 37 (2): 228–247. doi:10.1111/weng.12312. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  7. ^ Alkhateeb, Hadeel; Al Hamad, Muntasir; Mustafawi, Eiman (2020-08-07). "Revealing stakeholders' perspectives on educational language policy in higher education through Q-methodology". Current Issues in Language Planning. 21 (4): 415–433. doi:10.1080/14664208.2020.1741237. ISSN 1466-4208.
  8. ^ "Qatar - Economy | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Retrieved 2022-05-19.
  9. ^ Galalah, Abdelhalim Ali Hassan Abo (1992). English language in the state of Qatar : analysis of perceptions and attitudes as a basis for syllabus design (Doctoral thesis). Durham University.
  10. ^ "Qatar - History | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Retrieved 2022-05-19.
  11. ^ a b c d e f "Zig-Zagging Education Policies Leave Qatari Students Behind". Al-Fanar Media. 2013-10-25. Retrieved 2022-05-19.
  12. ^ a b c d e f "Perceptions and attitudes of Qatar University students regarding the utility of arabic and english in communication and education in Qatar". link.springer.com. Retrieved 2022-05-19.
  13. ^ a b Cummins, Jim (2000-09-22). 2. Language Interactions in the Classroom: From Coercive to Collaborative Relations of Power. Multilingual Matters. doi:10.21832/9781853596773-003/html. ISBN 978-1-85359-677-3.