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The Benty Grange helm, as depicted in a watercolour by Llewellynn Jewitt, which features both Christian crosses and a boar crest, typically found in heathen contexts.

The Christianisation of Anglo-Saxon England was a process spanning the late 6th and 7th centuries. It was essentially the result of the Gregorian mission of 597, which was joined by the efforts of the Hiberno-Scottish mission from the 630s. From the 8th century, the Anglo-Saxon mission was, in turn, instrumental in the conversion of the population of the Frankish Empire.

Æthelberht of Kent was the first king to accept baptism, circa 601. He was followed by Saebert of Essex and Rædwald of East Anglia in 604. However, when Æthelberht and Saebert died, in 616, they were both succeeded by pagan sons who were hostile to Christianity and drove the missionaries out, encouraging their subjects to return to their native paganism. Christianity only hung on with Rædwald, who was still worshiping the pagan gods alongside Christ.

The first Archbishops of Canterbury during the first half of the 7th century were members of the original Gregorian mission. The first native Saxon to be consecrated archbishop was Deusdedit of Canterbury, enthroned in 655. The first native Anglo-Saxon bishop was Ithamar, enthroned as Bishop of Rochester in 644.

The decisive shift to Christianity occurred in 655 when King Penda was slain in the Battle of the Winwaed and Mercia became officially Christian for the first time. The death of Penda also allowed Cenwalh of Wessex to return from exile and return Wessex, another powerful kingdom, to Christianity. After 655, only Sussex and the Isle of Wight remained openly pagan, although Wessex and Essex would later crown pagan kings. In 686, Arwald, the last openly pagan king, was slain in battle, and from this point on all Anglo-Saxon kings were at least nominally Christian (although there is some confusion about the religion of Caedwalla, who ruled Wessex until 688).

Lingering paganism among the common population gradually became English folklore.

Background

Christianity in Roman Britain

Christianity was present in Roman Britain from at least the third century, introduced by tradesmen, immigrants and legionaries, although most of the latter probably followed Mithraism. Diocletian's edicts of persecution, of 303 appear not to have been rigorously enforced by Constantius Chlorus within his territory. In 313, his son, Constantine, emperor in the west, and emperor Licinius issued the "Edict of Milan" allowing the practice of Christianity in the Empire. The following year three bishops from Britain attended the Council of Arles. The British bishops were Eborius from the city of Eboracum (York); Restitutus from the city of Londinium (London); and Adelfius, the location of whose see is uncertain. The presence of these three bishops indicates that by the early fourth century, the British Christian community was already both organised on a regional basis, had a distinct episcopal hierarchy, and had a close dependence on the church of Gaul. Around 429, the bishops of Britain requested assistance from their colleagues in Gaul in dealing with Pelagianism. Germanus of Auxerre and Lupus, Bishop of Troyes were sent. During his sojourn in Britain, Germanus, a former government official, is reported to have led the native Britons to a victory against Pictish and Saxon raiders, at a mountainous site near a river, of which Mold in North Wales is the traditional location.

Kent, late 6th century–624

Late 6th century: Æthelbert of Kent marries Bertha

In 595, when Pope Gregory I decided to send a mission to convert the Anglo-Saxons to Christianity, the Kingdom of Kent was ruled by Æthelberht. He had married a Christian princess named Bertha. The exact year of marriage is unclear, with Bede suggesting around 590, while based on dates of her birth inferred from the writings of Gregory of Tours, scholars have suggested alternative dates of 579 or even earlier than 560.

Bertha was the daughter of Charibert I, one of the Merovingian kings of the Franks. As one of the conditions of her marriage she was allowed to freely practice Christianity and bring the bishop Liudhard with her to Kent as her chaplain. They restored a church in Canterbury that dated to the time of the Roman occupation, possibly the present-day St Martin's Church. Liudhard does not appear to have made many converts among the Anglo-Saxons, and his mention by Bede is only corroborated by a gold coin bearing an inscription that refers to a bishop by his name. It has been suggested that Bertha had a significant role in the later converion of Æthelberht.

The marriage with Bertha fits into a wider context of close relations, such as trade, between Kent and the Frankish kingdom which was expanding and establishing overlordship over kingdoms in the North Sea region during th 6th century. It has been suggested this Frankish influence and support was an important factor that led to Kent becoming one of the dominant kingdoms in the late 6th and 7th centuries.

597-616: The Gregorian mission and the conversion of Æthelberht

Main article: Gregorian mission

Gregory dictating, from a 10th-century manuscript

The mission was led by Augustine and included Frankish interpreters and around 40 monks. They landed at Thanet in Kent in 597 where they were received by Æthelberht and achieved some initial success. Æthelberht permitted the missionaries to settle and preach in his capital of Canterbury, where they used the church of St. Martin's for services,

Æthelberht's laws from his reign describe the compensation that must be paid should someone violate church property, and were likely written under influence from Augustine.

The date of Æthelberht's conversion is not recorded in any surviving source, but it probably took place around 597, with 601 as likely the latest possible date. A letter of Gregory's to Patriarch Eulogius of Alexandria in June 598 mentions the number of converts made but does not mention that the king specifically had been baptised. The baptism location is also not recorded although it likely took place in Canterbury.

By 601 it is widely accepted that Æthelberht had converted as in this year, Gregory wrote to both Æthelberht and Bertha, calling the king his son and possibly referring to his baptism. In the letter, Gregory further asks the king to hasten the spread of Christianity through acts such as hunting down idol worship, and heathen temples along with encouraging good morals by terrifying them and demonstrating good deeds. In contrast with this, a letter dated to July 601 from Gregory to Abbot Mellitus orders that whilst idols are still to be destroyed and for the traditional religion (referred to by Gregory as demon worship) to be stamped out, temples are to be sprinkled with blessed water, for altars to be made and for relics to be placed in them. He further encourages reframing of traditional practices such as sacrifices and celebrations in a Christian context, in which festivals are dedicated to martyrs and the slaughtered animals are eaten in praise of God.

It is uncertain why Æthelberht chose to convert to Christianity. Bede suggests that the king converted strictly for religious reasons, but most modern historians see other motives behind Æthelberht's decision. Certainly, given Kent's close contacts with Gaul, it is possible that Æthelberht sought baptism in order to smooth his relations with the Merovingian kingdoms, or to align himself with one of the factions then contending in Gaul. Another consideration may have been that new methods of administration often followed conversion, whether directly from the newly introduced church or indirectly from other Christian kingdoms.

Evidence from Bede suggests that although Æthelberht encouraged conversion, he was unable to compel his subjects to become Christians during his reign. The historian R. A. Markus proposes that this was due to the strong heathen presence in Kent which forced the king to rely on indirect means to secure conversions, including royal patronage and friendship, rather than force. For Markus, this is demonstrated by the way in which Bede describes the king's conversion efforts, in which he could not compel them to adopt Christianity, instead being able to only "rejoice at their conversion" and to "hold believers in greater affection". Some time after Æthelberht's conversion, Bertha died and Æthelberht married again to a woman who's name is not recorded, but was likely to have been heathen.

616-640: Eadbald's reign

Heathen reaction

Golden buckle from Finglesham, interpreted as connected to the cult of Wōden and suggested to date to the time of Eadbald's heathen resurgence in the 7th century.

Eadbald became king of Kent on the death of his father on 24 February 616, or possibly 618. Although Æthelberht had been Christian since around 600 and his wife Bertha was also Christian, Eadbald was a pagan and led a strong reaction against the Gregorian mission, refusing to be baptised and marrying his stepmother, Æthelberht's second wife. Such an act was forbidden by Church law but was likely widespread in Anglo-Saxon society at the time and has been proposed to have helped individuals involved by renewing links made by the former marriage, whilst also keeping property within the kinship group.

Around this time, King Sæberht of Essex, who had become a Christian under Æthelberht's influence, died and his sons also led a reaction against Christianity, expelling Mellitus, the bishop of London, who left for Gaul. This rejection of Christianity in both Essex and Kent at the same time was likely a result of coordination by the kings. The Bishop of Rochester Justus also left in this time, leaving Canterbury isolated. Consistent with this, Bede records that Eadbald's repudiation of Christianity was a severe setback to the growth of the Church in England. He further claims that Eadbald was divinely punished for his faithlessness, describing him as suffering from "frequent fits of madness" and being possessed by an "unclean spirit" that Barbara Yorke identified with epilepsy.

The increased support from the elites for the traditional religion may be reflected in grave goods from the Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Finglesham that have been proposed to date to the period of the heathen reaction. These include a gilt buckle and a bronze pendant that both depict a man wearing a horned headdress, the ends of which are birds, that has been connected to the cult of the Germanic god Wōden. If this dating is correct, it would demonstrate the persistence of heathen ideas despite Ætheberht's conversion at the beginning of the 7th century.

Eadbald's baptism

Gold thrymsa of Eadbald of Kent, possibly minted in London, dated to 616–40.

Bede writes that Laurentius, the archbishop of Canterbury was also considering leaving after the rejection of Christianity in Essex and Kent but was scourged by St Peter, which convinced him to stay. According to these writings the archbishop showed Eadbald the wounds where he'd been beaten the night before and out of fear, Eadbald renounced his endogamous marriage and agreed to be baptised, meaning he would have been converted in 616 or 617. After his conversion, Mellitus and Justus returned from Gaul with the latter returning to Rochester. Eadbald did not have sufficient influence to restore the Mellitus to his former church in London, however, against the will of the local heathens and he was unable to force the East Saxon kings to adopt Christianity. Mellitus thus remained in Canterbury where he consecrated a church that Eadbald had had built. Furthermore, Bede writes that in 625 Eadbald's sister Æthelburh, who was a Christian, married Eadwine of Deira and Paulinus accompanied her to minister the Christian community there.

While an important source on Eadbald's reign, scholars contest some aspects of Bede's account. The account of Laurence's miraculous scourging by Peter, for example, is likely is a later hagiographical invention of the monastery of St Augustine's, Canterbury that is not historical. Furthermore, Kirby points out that Boniface's letter to Æthelburh makes it clear that the news of Eadbald's conversion is recent, meaning that Eadbald would have been converted by Justus rather than Laurentius, as is implied by Boniface's letter to Justus sent around 624. Kirby concludes that as Eadbald was converted shortly before the sending of Boniface's letters to Ætherburh, Eadwine and Justus and no later than April 624, when Mellitus died. This alternative timeline extends the duration of the pagan reaction from less than a year, in Bede's narrative, to about eight years, fitting better with the account of a serious crisis for the Church that the Roman mission in south-east England barely survived.

After his baptism, Eadbald married his second wife, Ymme. Whilst her exact ancestry is debated, she was likely the daughter of Frankish elites. Consistent with this, it has been put forward that Francia was critical in supporting the missionaries during this time and that Frankish influences in the court were a central reason why Eadbald agreed to convert, with marriage to Ymme being closely tied to his baptism. Through this, Eadbald possibly sought to restore the relationship with the Franks that had been strengthened during Æthelberht's reign. Consistent with the close ties between the Frankish and Kentish families, Æthelburh later sent her children with Eadwine to Dagobert I out of fear they were in danger.

640 onwards: Solidification of Christianity and repression of heathen practices

When Eabald died in 640, his son Eorcenberht succeeded him and is described by Bede as having ordered that throughout his whole kingdom all "idols" (cult images) be forsaken and destroyed, and Lent be observed, and those who do not obey his commands be punished, making him the first king in England to do so. After this decree, no more apostate, or otherwise heathen, elites in Kent are recorded. He ruled for a further 24 years before being succeeded by his son Ecgberht who was personally involved in the appointment of the new archbishop of Canterbury after the death of Deusdedit in 664.

Essex, 604–665

604-616: Baptism of Sæberht and establishment of the Church in Essex

The first king of Essex to nominally convert to Christianity was Sæberht, who was baptised by Mellitus, one of Augstine's helpers, around 604 under the authority of Æthelberht of Kent who held overlordship over the East Saxons at the time. After this, a bishopric was set up by Mellitus in London which was part of the East Saxon kingdom at the time.

616: Heathen reaction by the sons of Sæberht

Bede does not give the year of Sæberht's death, although he implies that it was no later 616, when Æthelberht died. On his death, his sons Sexred, Sæward and a further unnamed brother rose to power in Essex and rejected Christianity and the mission, instead allowing those in their kingdom to freely practice the traditional religion. This was likely in coordination with Eadbald, who led a similar reaction in Kent upon becoming king. Under the sons of Sæberht, Mellitus, the bishop of London, was expelled and left for Gaul.

It has been suggested that during this time, the individual found at the princely burial in Prittlewell could be Sæberht. In this case, it would date to the rule of Sexred and Sæward which may be supported by its combination of heathen and Christian practices, such as the burial being within a howe and containing grave goods such as drinking horns and two gold foil crosses. This syncretism is consistent with the time period in which there was significant ideological experimentation, although it is to be noted that the scarcity of information makes categorical identification of the individual not currently possible.

When Eadbald was baptised around 8 years later in 624, he was seemingly unable to exert sufficient control over the East Saxon kingdom to restore the position of the Church that was set up under his father's reign, showing the limitations in his authority and the extent to which Sexred and Sæward had broken away from Kentish influence. This independence continued and all the kings of Essex remained heathen until the 650s throughout the reigns of Sexræd and Sæward and their successor Sigeberht.

653: Baptism of Sigeberht and establishment of the Church in Essex

St Peter’s Chapel, Bradwell-on-Sea. Established by St Cedd, the patron saint of Essex around 662, it was built on the site of the abandoned Roman Saxon Shore fort of Othona.

Bede records that in 653, Sigeberht the Good was convinced by King Ōswīg of Northumbria to convert to Christianity and be baptised by Finan of Lindisfarne. He is recorded as having contrasted the gods of the traditional religion that he deemed only physical objects with the invisible Christian God that he saw as real and almighty, which ultimately convinced Sigeberht about the truth of Christianity; this was likely invented by Bede, however, and closely resembles his account of Pope Boniface's speech to the heathen king Eadwine of Northumbria and likely draws on the Bible for inspiration. It has been suggested that the baptism was a condition of an alliance with Ōswīg against Penda of Mercia who threatened both Essex and Northumbria.

After this, Sigeberht returned to Essex with the bishop Cedd who sought to preach to the East Saxons. Bede records that due to their success, Cedd was made bishop of the Kingdom of Essex and went on to recruit more priests and deacons to assist him in Christianising the region, along with having churches built, especially at Ythanceaster and Tilaburg.

660s onwards: Further heathen resurgences and ultimate solidification of Christianity

Bede describes the friction between the incoming religion and Anglo-Saxon traditions in an account of a nobleman who refused to renounce his marriage despite it being deemed unlawful by the Church. Cedd excommunicated the man and forbade Christians from associating with him or entering his home, although when invited to a feast by the man, Sigeberht accepts. In this narrative, on the way to the noble's home,Sigeberht is seen by Cedd and begs pardon for his transgression of the ruling. In response, the bishop fortells that he will die in the noble's house. This indeed happens when the king is killed by a group including the excommunicated nobleman, with Bede attributing the murder to hatred of the king stemming from his forgiveness of enemies and devotion to the teachings and morals of the Gospel. It is unclear how long after his baptism this heathen reaction occured.

After the killing of Sigeberht, Swithhelm came to the throne and led another heathen resurgence, allowing those in their kingdom to freely practice the traditional religion. It has been suggested that he was involved in the death of his predecessor. He was later converted under influence from Æthelwold of the East Angles and his baptism took place at Rendlesham. As the date of his conversion is unclear, its political implications are unclear.

On the death of Swithhelm, Bede records that Sighere and Sæbbi jointly ruled the Kingdom of Essex, who in the genealogies are presented as the descendents of Sæberht, unlike Swithhelm. According to the Ecclesiastical History of the English People, during the great plague of 664, Sigehere returned to paganism, leading to a heathen resurgence in the parts of the Kingdom of Essex that he ruled, while the other half remained nominally Christian, under the rule of Sigehere's Christian first cousin once removed Sæbbi. Seeking protection from the gods from the disease, Bede writes that both nobles and those of lower social status began restoring heathen temples that had been abandoned and resumed the use of cult images in religious practice. By this time, the Kingdom of Essex had come under the authority of Wulfhere of Mercia who around 667 sent Jaruman to reconvert Sigehere and those in his kingdom and installed a new bishop of London.

The political nature of this act has been noted, with it being likely that Wulfhere saw the rejection of Christianity in favour of the traditional religion as a form of rebellion against Mercian overlordship. In return, Wulfhere denied the local king influence over the cult through the chosen bishop and strengthened the authority of outside clerical institutions.

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Bede records that in the 670s, the East Saxons restored derelict temples in response to severe plagues. Upon the death of Wulfhere in 675, his successor Æthelred may have been unable to maintain control over the East Saxons as all records of his involvement in Essex derive from later in his reign and the Law of Hlothhere and Eadric written between 673 and 685 suggest strong Kentish influence on London. Later on, Cædwalla likely established overlordship over the Kingdom of Essex.

East Anglia, 604–630

604-624: Rædwald's baptism and religious syncretism

The royal burial site at Sutton Hoo where a ship burial was discovered that is typically attributed to King Rædwald.

Rædwald was baptised in the Kentish court but Bede records that he returned to paganism on his journey home. He is later described as practicing syncretism between the two religions, having both an altar to Christ and to heathen gods. His limited adoption of Christianity is further attested in that both his sons, Eorpwald and Sigeberht, were heathen when he died.

The king's reversion to the traditional religion, in contrast to Sæberht who remained Christian until his death, has been suggested to mean that Æthelberht's influence over the East Angles was weaker than that over the East Saxons.

The ship burial in mound 1 at Sutton Hoo is suggested to be the grave of Rædwald, based on coins dating to the 620s being found there, consistent with his recorded date of death around 624, and the wealth displayed there being consistent with his status as an overking. The burial of his descendents in the mound cannot currently be ruled out, however.[red book|Sutton Hoo] Other elite burials there include mound 17, in which a young nobleman and was buried with a horse, and mound 2 which was also a ship burial. These burials occured in a wider context of smaller burials centred around a prehistoric howe. While the elite burials begin in the early 6th century, the richest ones occur at a time that Christianity was being established in England, leading to the suggestion that graves like mound 1 were a protest against the incoming religion.

King Ealdwulf of East Engle is recorded to have remembered Rædwald's temple still standing when he was a boy, suggesting the building was still substantial in the 630s and 640s.

Eorpwald

Bede records that Eadwine persuaded Eorpwald to be baptised.

During Eorpwald's reign, his half-brother Sigeberht was exiled to Gaul, attesting the ties between the East Anglian and Merovingian royal families.

Ricbert and Sigeberht

Sigeberht adopted Christianity whilst in exile in Gaul.

Unsorted

Continental missionaries were key in the conversion of East Anglia in the 630s.

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Rædwald of East Anglia received the Christian sacraments from Mellitus in Kent, presumably at the invitation of Æthelberht who may have been his baptismal sponsor. The date of this initiation is not exactly known, but since it is claimed that Augustine (d. c 604) dedicated a church near Ely, it may have followed Saebert's conversion fairly swiftly. In this way, Rædwald became aligned with Æthelberht's system of authority. Bede states that even during Æthelbert's lifetime Rædwald was building up the leadership of the southern English for his own nation of East Angles.

In East Anglia Rædwald's conversion was not universally acceptable to his household, nor by his wife. She and her pagan teachers probably persuaded him to default in part from his commitment to it. In his temple, therefore, there were two altars, one dedicated to Christ, and one for dedications to the Anglo-Saxon gods. Raedwald is considered the most likely candidate for the Sutton Hoo ship burial, which displays both pagan and Christian iconography.

In 616 the pagan backlash in Kent and Essex left Rædwald the only (partially) Christian king in the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. Rædwald died in 624 and was succeeded by his son Eorpwald.

Latest reconstruction (built 1970–1971) of the Sutton Hoo helmet.

627: Eorpwald is baptized

Paulinus undertook the conversion of the Northumbrian people, and also those of the Kingdom of Lindsey (Lincolnshire) and East Anglia. This Christian patronage helped to affirm Edwin's position as senior ruler of the English, and until his final confrontation with Cadwallon ap Cadfan of Gwynedd in 632-3 he also held the British or Welsh powers under his dominion.

It was at Edwin's prompting that Eorpwald, together with his kingdom, received the Christian faith and sacraments. Eorpwald was therefore not yet a Christian during his father's lifetime nor at his own accession. It is not known whether his baptism took place in East Anglia, Northumbria or Kent, but it is very likely that Edwin, now a senior ruler, was his sponsor at baptism. The conversion had the political benefit of bringing the entire eastern seaboard from Northumbria to Kent under the dominion of Christian rulers in alliance with Edwin, with the single exception of the Essex.

627: Ricberht's Pagan backlash

Not long after his conversion Eorpwald was slain (occisus) by a pagan (viro gentili) named Ricberht. The circumstances are not recorded so that it is not known whether Ricberht represented an internal East Anglian opposition to Christian rule, or if he was an emissary from an external power wishing to diminish Edwin's influence.

Bede states that after the slaying of Eorpwald the kingdom reverted to heathen rule (in errore versata est) for three years. This does not necessarily mean an overt struggle between the worship of the Anglo-Saxon gods and the worship of Christ, but could equally express a conflict in the political allegiances which Edwin's rise to power had prompted. The attribution of these three years to a supposed rule of Ricberht is a banner of convenience, though the fact that his name was remembered at all (when East Anglian history of this period is dependent upon very fragmentary records) indicates that he was a person of some importance.

630: Sigeberht of East Anglia returns from exile

After the interregnum prompted by Eorpwald's assassination, Sigeberht was recalled from Gaul to become ruler of the East Angles. It is likely that he gained the kingdom by military means because his prowess as a military commander was later remembered. During his reign part of the Kingdom was governed by his kinsman Ecgric, the relationship described by the Latin term cognatus. This may mean that Ecgric was a son of Rædwald. However, some authorities consider Ecgric to be the same person as Æthilric, named in the East Anglian tally (in the Anglian Collection) as a son of Eni, Rædwald's brother. Whoever Ecgric was, Sigeberht had equal or senior power while he ruled, because the influence of his religious patronage was felt both in eastern and western parts of the kingdom.

Sigeberht's Christian conversion may have been a decisive factor in his achieving royal power, since at that time Edwin of Northumbria (616-632/3) was the senior English king, and only he and Eadbald of Kent were Christian rulers. Eadbald certainly had contacts with the Frankish rulers. After Dagobert succeeded Clothar II in Francia in 628, Sigeberht's emergence helped to strengthen the English conversion upon which Edwin's power rested. Sigeberht is likely to have encouraged the conversion of Ecgric if he was not already Christian. Edwin's encouragement took shape in the marriage of his grand-niece Hereswith, sister of Saint Hilda, to Æthilric, Rædwald's nephew. Hereswith and Hild were under Edwin's protection and were baptised with him in 626. This marriage held the presumption that Æthilric was, or would become, Christian, and probably also that he should at some time become King of East Anglia.

Bede relates that the East Anglian apostle Saint Felix came to England from Burgundy as a missionary bishop, and was sent by Honorius, the Archbishop of Canterbury to assist Sigeberht. William of Malmesbury has the later story that Felix accompanied Sigeberht to East Anglia. In either case, this dates Sigeberht's accession to c629-630, because Felix was Bishop for 17 years, his successor Thomas for five, and his successor Berhtgisl Boniface for 17 – and Berhtgisl died in around 669. Sigeberht established the bishop's seat of his kingdom for Felix at Dommoc, claimed variously for Dunwich or Walton, Felixstowe (both coastal sites in Suffolk). If at Walton (as Rochester claimed during the thirteenth century), the site of Dommoc may have been within the precinct of a Roman fort which formerly stood there.

Sigeberht also established a school in his kingdom for boys to be taught reading and writing in Latin, on the model that he had witnessed in Gaul. Felix assisted him by obtaining teachers of the kind who taught in Kent. Paulinus of York was from 633 to 644 bishop of Rochester on the Medway, then the nearest bishopric in Kent to East Anglia. Paulinus had (according to the Whitby Life of Gregory the Great) been connected with the court of Rædwald during the exile of Edwin.

The allegiance of Felix to Canterbury determined the Roman basis of the East Anglian Church, though his training in Burgundy may have been coloured by the teaching of the Irish missionary Columbanus in Luxeuil. In around 633, perhaps shortly before Aidan was sent to Lindisfarne from Iona, the Irish royal hermit and missionary Fursey came from the Athlone area with his priests and brethren to East Anglia. Sigeberht granted him a monastery site in an old Roman fort called Cnobheresburg, usually identified as Burgh Castle near Yarmouth. Felix and Fursey both effected many conversions and established churches in Sigeberht's kingdom. Bede records that Archbishop Honorius and Bishop Felix much admired the work of Aidan of Lindisfarne. Therefore, it is likely that they also appreciated Fursey, whose community also lived according to the ascetic principles of Irish Christianity.

Northumbria, 625–634

Lilla Cross in North Yorkshire, raised on the Bronze Age barrow Lilla Howe.

Æthelburh's marriage to Eadwin

By 625 Edwin of Deira, king of Northumbria, asks for the hand in marriage of Æthelburg, Eadbald's sister. Edwin is told he must allow her to practice Christianity and must consider baptism himself.

The story of Æthelburg's marriage being dependent on Edwin allowing her to practice her faith has been questioned since revising the chronology makes it likely, though not certain, that the marriage was arranged before Eadbald's conversion. In this view, it would have been the church that objected to the marriage, and Æthelburg would have been Christian before Eadbald's conversion. The story of Paulinus's consecration is also problematic as he was not consecrated until at least 625 and possibly later, which is after the latest possible date for Æthelburg's marriage. However, it may be that he traveled to Northumbria prior to his consecration and only later became bishop.

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• 625: Paulinus begins preaching
• 627: Edwin is baptised
• 633: Osric and Eanfrith of Bernicia are crowned: Heathen resurgence
• 634: Oswald is crowned

// Paulinus arrived in Bernicia in 625 to convince Edwin to accept baptism. Edwin allowed his daughter Eanfled to be baptised, and vowed to accept baptism himself if his campaign against Cwichelm of Wessex was successful. Bede recounts that Edwin was finally baptised on 12 April 627, but he does not appear to have made any effort to convert his subjects. He died in 633 and Osric and Eanfrith, his cousin and nephew respectively, took over Bernicia and Deira. Osric and Eanfrith had both accepted baptism while in exile with the Picts, but upon taking their thrones reverted their kingdoms to paganism. They were both killed by Cadwallon ap Cadfan of Gwynedd in 634, who was in turn killed by Eanfrith's brother Oswald in the same year. Oswald had been baptised while in exile with the Scots, and had persuaded his council to accept baptism if they were victorious against Cadwallon. Oswald requested missionaries to convert the pagan Bernicians and Deirans. The first bishop to try eventually gave up and returned to Iona, reporting that the Northumbrians were ardently pagan and refusing to convert. Aidan arrived in 635 and spent the rest of his life converting the Northumbrians, dying in 651.

Mercia, 653–655

Objects from the Staffordshire Hoard, likely made over the period from the mid to late 6th century to the mid to late 7th century.

• 653: Preaching begins
• 655: Peada is crowned

The pagan King Penda allowed Christian missionaries to begin preaching in Mercia in 653 when his son Peada was baptised. Peada had accepted baptism in order to marry Alhflæd, the daughter of Oswiu of Bernicia. Penda was killed in battle against Oswiu on 15 November 655, and Peada took the throne, becoming the first Christian king. Unusually Mercia had no official relapse into paganism.

Sussex, 675–681

• 675: Æthelwealh is baptised
• 681: Wilfrid begins preaching

Æthelwealh of Sussex was baptised in Mercia sometime during or just before 675, probably as a condition of marrying the Christian Queen Eafa of the Hwicce. In 681 Wilfrid arrived in Sussex to begin converting the general population. Bede says Wulfhere had had him converted “not long previously”, but it couldn’t have been later than 675 because that is when Wulfhere died. Æthelwealh gave Wilfrid land in Selsey where he founded Selsey Abbey. While there Wilfrid met with Cædwalla of Wessex and guaranteed support for his invasion of Sussex (despite Æthelwealh granting him land and allowing him to preach in his kingdom). In 685 Cædwalla, who was now King of Wessex, invaded Sussex and killed Æthelwealh. Two ealdormen of Æthelwealh, Berthun and Andhun, drove him out and administered the kingdom from then on. Their religious affiliation is not recorded. In 686 Wilfrid was recalled to York, Berthun and Andhun attacked Kent, Berthun was killed somewhere along the line and Sussex was conquered by Cædwalla.

Wessex, 603–685

• 603: Augustine of Canterbury begins preaching (possibly apocryphal)
• 635: Cynegils of Wessex and Cwichelm of Wessex are baptised
• 643: Cenwalh is crowned: Heathen resurgence
• 655: Cenwalh returns from exile, now baptized
• 676: Centwine is crowned, Heathen resurgence
• 685: Cædwalla is crowned, unbaptized but pro-Christian

The monk Goscelin recorded a short legend that after converting Æthelberht of Kent, Augustine traveled into Wessex to convert the population. In the village of Cernel the locals jeered at him and drove him out of town, pinning fish to him in mockery of his religion. According to this legend Augustine eventually returned and converted them by smashing their idol. Bede, however, says that the West Saxons were “completely heathen” until 635 when Birinus began preaching there. The joint kings Cynigils and Cwichelm were baptised in 635 or 636 with King Oswin of Northumbria as their godfather, and Bede claims the common population were converted also. When Cynegils died in 643 his son Cenwalh ascended to the throne; Bede said of Cenwalh, that he “refused to embrace the mysteries of the faith, and of the heavenly kingdom; and not long after also he lost the dominion of his earthly kingdom; for he put away the sister of Penda, king of the Mercians, whom he had married, and took another wife; whereupon a war ensuing, he was by him expelled his kingdom". The pagan King Penda took over Wessex and Cenwalh accepted baptism while under the protection of the Christian king Anna of East Anglia. Penda was killed in 655 allowing the now-Christian Cenwalh to return to Wessex. He was succeeded by his widow Seaxburh and then Æscwine; their religion is unknown. In 676 Centwine took the throne. Centwine was a Heathen throughout his reign, but abdicated to become a Christian monk. Cædwalla became king of Wessex in 685 or 686, and his religion is difficult to determine. He remained unbaptised throughout his entire reign, but supported Christianity. Before attacking the pagan Isle of Wight, be vowed to give 1/4 of the land and booty to the Church if he was successful, a vow he fulfilled by granting estates to Wilfrid. He also “allowed” the heirs of Arwald, the last pagan King of Wight, to be baptised before he executed them. He is recorded elsewhere granting land to the church. Before conquering Sussex he worked with the Bishops Wilfrid and Eorcenwald to establish an ecclesiastical structure there. He was seriously wounded while conquering the Isle of Wight in 686. In 688 he abdicated and went on a pilgrimage to Rome and was baptised by Pope Sergius I on 10 April 689, dying 10 days later from his wounds.

His successor Ine issued a law code in 695 which reveal him to be a Christian. However, one of Ine's laws prescribed a fine for failing to baptise one's children, and another fine for failing to tithe, which indicates the common population were slow to adopt Christian habits voluntarily.

Isle of Wight, 661–686

• 661: Wulfhere of Mercia invades, islanders forcibly baptized
• 661: Wulfhere of Mercia leaves, islanders immediately return to Heathenism
• 686: Cædwalla of Wessex invades, islanders ethnically cleansed and Kingdom annexed{Bede_Chapter 16}

The Jutes of the Isle of Wight were forcibly baptised when Wulfhere invaded in 661. When Wulfhere returned to Mercia he left the priest Eoppa in Wight, but he could not stop the Islanders quickly reverting to open paganism. Wight remained pagan until 686 when it was invaded by the Christian sympathiser Cædwalla of Wessex. Their pagan King Arwald was killed in battle, and his heirs were baptised and executed. Most of the pagan population was purportedly exterminated and replaced with Christian West Saxons. Those who remained were forced to accept baptism and also the West Saxon dialect, and the Isle of Wight was incorporated into the Kingdom of Wessex. King Arwald was the last English King to die a pagan.

Viking Age Scandinavian settlement

Heathenry was adhered to by North Germanic settlers in the Viking Age

Christianisation of the Scandinavian settlers was relatively fast in some regions and slower in others.

Resurgence of old practices

Conversion to Christianity

Rulers' reasons for and against conversion

Later engraving of a picture commissioned in 1519 showing Cædwalla confirming a grant of land, at Selsey, to Wilfrid

Bede attributes the conversion of English kings to be due to the inherent truth of the religion. This stance was continued by scholars into the early 20th century when there was a shift towards a more secular understanding of history. New lines of argumentation focused on the usefullness of Christianity both from a practical and ideological standpoint.

Scholars have argued that Christianity offered a new institutional framework for kingdom cohesion and new ways for powerful kings to assert control over those who were less powerful. The Church was also an alternative means of increasing one's status and power; becoming a monk or nun also enabled secular elites to avoid marriage, difficult political conditions and family duties. Early medieval rulers also looked to Rome for legitimacy and ways of asserting power; the close association of Christianity with the strength and empire of Rome could thus have made it a powerful tool. With the Church also came book writing tradition an increased literacy, aiding in beaurocracy.

A key reason that kings remained heathen may have been unwillingness to harm relations with the elites on which they depended to remain in power, many of whom likely saw Christianity as intrusive and unwelcome. Ecclesiastical History of the English People refers to the importance of this support in the baptism of the king of the East Saxons Sigeberht. King Edwin of Northumbria similarly is written to have sought advice from his council before converting. Funding the Church was very costly, with land being given away forever. In the 7th century, a parts the land taken by force from heathen kings could be given to the Church, as in Cædwalla's conquering of Wight in which he gave a quarter of the island to Wilfrid, totalling 300 hides. Similarly, King Oswiu gave the Church 120 hides to found 10 monasteries after his victory over the heathen king Penda. Bestowal of land to the Church would have limited the amount of land that could be given to elites as a reward for service and loyalty. In the early stages of the establishment of Christianity, churchmen were typically not English in origin and did not have ties to local elites, whilst later on, even though more were English, they still would have likely come from other kingdoms. This lack of access of local elites to the king's resources is suggested by Bede to be the reason that in the 8th century, young nobles were forced to leave Northumbria in order to acquire land. Reluctance to adopt Christianity may also have been as it held a much stricter monopology on religious practice, with only priests being able to perform certain rituals, in contrast to Anglo-Saxon traditional religion which seemed not to have such a strict division in roles. Heathen elites, in contrast, led large-scale religious events, with feasts believed to have been held at their halls. This participation would likely have strengthened their reputation in the community and was important for upholding their power.

Stained glass depiction of the death of the heathen king Penda at the hands of the Christian king Oswiu's army.

Wives could also be significant influencing factors over whether a king would choose to adopt Christianity or not. Bede writes that the wife of Rædwald convinced him to continue worshiping traditional gods whilst Pope Boniface V sent a letter to Æþelburh of Kent urging her to persuade her husband Edwin of Northumbria to convert. Kate Cooper has argued that the depiction of wives having influence over the views of their husbands is a literary feature that does not reflect historical fact, however this is rejected by other scholars who argue that whilst this may be the case in some instances, it is likely to be based on reality. That queens had significant power in religious matters is attested more widely such as in the Life of St Wilfrid, in which Wilfrid goes to Queen Eanflæd for patronship, rather than her husband Oswiu. It has been proposed that this power of queens originated principally in their kinship ties with queens often being from other kingdoms to their husbands.

Furthermore, many early Christian kings were succeeded by sons who either were not baptised or returned to heathenry upon the deaths of their fathers. It has been argued that the balance between the two ideologies was highly fluid and the decision was closely intertwined with the power balance of local elites. Affirming adherence to the traditional religion could have been used to raise support from local elites, such as in the case of Essex where Christianity was imposed on the region by Kent, and after the death of Sæberht, his sons Sexræd and Sæward rejected Christianity and held to Anglo-Saxon paganism instead. This may have been seen as an act of asserting independence that would have appealed those who opposed the Kentish hegemony. Following this, it has been suggested that established kings may have been more likely to be baptised so as to gain access to the benefits of Christianity while those vying for kingship may have towards keeping to the traditional religion. This may be why kings like Eadbald and Cenwalh may have adopted Christianity once secure in their rulership.

After the baptism of kings

Cultural effects

An early medieval Anglo-Saxon gold þrymsa coin from c. 650–675 CE.

It has been suggested that some developments in the early 7th century such as richly furnished barrows were a political response, demonstrating heathen identity in contrast, or defiance, with Christianity.

Whilst Bede equates the baptism of a king with the complete adoption of Christianity by the whole ruled population, royal baptisms were only an important step in the process that could have taken generations. Accounts of apostasy of elites demonstrate that knowledge and respect for heathen traditions continued in some regions after baptism of the king.

The adoption of Christianity by the elite can be seen in the archaeological record in the reduction of richly furnished burials, with them becoming rare by the late 7th century and almost none between 730 and the beginning of the Viking Age towards the end of the 8th century. Furnished graves also become scarce in lower status contexts between the late 7th and early 8th centuries, although it took until roughly the 10th century before most burials were taking place in churchyards.

In the late 6th to early 8th centuries, some burials show influences of both heathen and Christian customs such as the Prittlewell royal Anglo-Saxon burial which contained items such as gold foil crosses, a drinking horn and a lyre. The body was further positioned facing the east in a Christian manner whilst also being placed beneath a large howe. It has been argued that trying to accertain whether the man buried was a Christian or pagan is ultimately unproductive as this period was characterised by ideological experimentation and religious syncretism.

During the conversion period there was also a shift away from Scandinavian influence and towards Frankish and Eastern Roman culture. This reorientation and increased southern influence with Christianity led to the revival of gold coins in the early 7th century, beginning in Kent, with large scale minting of silver coins seen from c. 675 onwards.

Written sources, such as Bede's letter to Ecgbert of York, draw attention to the low number of bishops and people taking regular communion despite tithes being taken. This sentiment is further attested in the 747 Council of Clofesho which stated thatg priests should have a correct understanding of the doctrine of the Trinity and teach this, along with the Creed. They also record deficiencies in training restricting the influence of Christianity with Bede describing Bishop John of York as noting that one priest was performing baptisms wrongly due to a lack of knowledge.

Outside of royal nunneries, it has been suggested that Christianity was slow to enter into homes, where the power of women was greatest. The Church discouraged concubinage and many traditional cures and remedies.

It has been proposed that in an attempt to replace heathen beliefs, tales were spread that described the miracles of saints and their power both to heal and over nature and harvests such as those from Lives of Cuthbert and Dialogues.

Suppression of heathen practices

Folio 2v from the Vienna manuscript of the Penitential of Theodore, which lists a number of practices considered heathen as punishable offences.

The early converts to Christianity Æthelburht, Edwin and Oswald appear to have allowed heathen rites to continue to be practiced against the wishes of the clergymen, leading to Pope Gregory in 601 urging Æthelburht "hasten to extend the Christian faith among the people who are subject to you. Increase your righteous zeal for their conversion; suppress the worship of idols; overthrow their buildings and shrines".. According to Bede, Eorcenberht of Kent, who ruled from 640 to 664, was the first king to begin trying to eliminate heathen cult activities. This reluctance shown in the early stages of Christianisation has been argued to have resulted from the need to balance the demands of the Church, practicalities of placating local elites and maintainance of positive relationships with other kingdoms.

Active suppression of paganism in the wider population seems to only have begun in the late 7th century. From this point onwards, legal codes and penitentials often forbid practices considered heathen. In its section entitled "Of the Worship of Idols", the late 7th or early 8th century Penitential of Theodore assigns penance to those qui immolant demonibus ("who sacrifice to demons"), lasting between 1 and 10 years depending on the deemed severity of the offence. The term "demons" in this context would likely have referred to heathen gods and other beings connected to Anglo-Saxon pre-Christian religion, given that they were often equated in Christian thought. The penitential further lists the appropriate punishment for practices such as the eating of food offered in sacrifices to the recipient being and the burning of cereals where a man has died to bring good health to the household. Similar prohibitions are seen throughout other law codes from a similar time suc has those of King Wihtred of Kent.

In the Viking Age, Norðhymbra preosta lagu explicit forbids blót, along with other practices deemed heathen such as idol-worship, with those caught performing them being made to pay 5 half-marks to the Church and 5 to the king.

So many early medieval churches are found nearby to prehistoric monuments that it is unlikely to be coincidental. The variety of contexts, however, has been used to argue that they are not all due to the single explanation of the churches being built to Christianise a heathen holy place. Alternative reasons may be due to the sites also being settled and their use as fortifications. Written sources tend to focus on the active use of Roman ruins rather than pre-Christian monuments such as howes or ditches. It has been proposed that the author of Guthlac A may have intentionally depict the demon-haunted howe into which the saint ventures as resembling a heathen holy place, making the narrative one in which a place of heathen worship is made into a Christian one.

Incorporation of heathen culture

- Folklore - Words

Importance of English missionaries

The English Saint Boniface baptising (top) and being martyred (bottom) as depicted on the Fulda Sacramentary.

After the establishment of the Church in England, many English missionaries became instrumental in the adoption of Christianity amongst other peoples in Northern Europe such as the Saxons and Scandinavians. Saint Boniface also spent 6 years in Frisia in the early 8th century in an ultimately unsuccessful mission.

In particular, after the failed German missions in the 9th century, the Christianisation of Denmark, Norway and Sweden during the late 10th and 11th centuries was dominated by Englishmen. Notably, Hákon góði, the son of Haraldr hárfagri, was also fostered by Æðelstān around 930 CE, leading to him later being referred to as Aðalsteinsfóstri ("Æðelstān's foster-son"). According to later sagas such as Hákonar saga góðá]], he later returned to Norway and became the first king there to encourage the adoption of Christianity in the region, inviting a bishop and priests from England to help him. The reliability of these sources is unclear, given that they are not contemporary to Hákon and that the poem composed in his praise shortly after his death, Hákonarmál, refers to him still as heathen. Further English missionaries in Norway are recorded such as those in the company of Olaf Tryggvason and Olaf Haraldsson are recorded by accounts such as that written by Adam of Bremen and sagas.

Bede writes that English missionaries were inspired to convert the continental Saxons by their shared ancestry and it has been suggested that the missionaries to Scandinavia may also have been motivated by this reason. The ability for English bishops and priests to perform missionary work in Scandinavia was also facilitated by the extensive political interactions between the regions that were occuring at the time, such as the formation of the North Sea Empire under Cnut.

See also

• Gregorian mission
• Christianity in Anglo-Saxon England

Bibliography

Primary

• Sellar (1907). Bede's Ecclesiastical History of England - Christian Classics Ethereal Library. London: George Bell and Sons.
• Thorpe, Benjamin (2012). "Law of the Northumbrian priests". Ancient Laws and Institutes of England. Cambridge University Press. pp. 290–303. ISBN 9781139177412.

Secondary

• Abrams, Lesley (1995). "The Anglo-Saxons and the Christianization of Scandinavia". Anglo-Saxon England. 24: 213–249. ISSN 0263-6751.
• Brooks, Nicholas (1984). The Early History of the Church of Canterbury: Christ Church from 597 to 1066. London: Leicester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7185-0041-2.
• Campbell, James; John, Eric; Wormald, Patrick (1991). The Anglo-Saxons. London, England ; New York, N.Y., USA: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-014395-9.
• Chaney, William A. (1970). The Cult of Kingship in Anglo-Saxon England: The Transition from Paganism to Christianity. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-01401-5.
• Church, S. D. (April 2008). "Paganism in Conversion‐Age Anglo‐Saxon England: The Evidence of Bede's Ecclesiastical History Reconsidered". History. 93 (310): 162–180.
• Cool, Hilary (1 November 2015). "The Staffordshire Hoard (2016)". Historic England Research News.
• Dunn, Marilyn (2010). The Christianization of the Anglo-Saxons c. 597 - c. 700: discourses of life, death and afterlife. London: Continuum. ISBN 9781441110138.
• Fletcher, Richard. A. (1998). The Barbarian Conversion: From Paganism to Christianity. New York: H. Holt and Co. ISBN 978-0-8050-2763-1.
• Hall, Alaric (22 June 2007). "Images of Medieval Sanctity: Essays in Honour of Gary Dickson". Images of Medieval Sanctity. Brill. pp. 207–235. ISBN 978-90-474-2068-2.
• Herrin, Judith (2021). The formation of Christendom. Princeton (N.J.) Oxford: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-22077-2.
• Higgins, John Seville (December 1933). "The Ultramontanism of Saint Boniface". Church History. 2 (4): 197–210. doi:10.1017/S0009640700120566. ISSN 1755-2613.
• Higham, Nicholas John (1997). The Convert Kings: Power and Religious Affiliation in Early Anglo-Saxon England. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-4827-2.
• Higham, Nicholas John; Ryan, Martin J. (2013). The Anglo-Saxon world. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300125344.
• Hindley, Geoffrey (2006). A Brief History of the Anglo-Saxons: The Beginnings of the English Nation. New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers. ISBN 978-0-7867-1738-5.
• Kelly, S. E. (23 September 2004). "Eadbald (d. 640), king of Kent". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/8375. Retrieved 2023-06-03. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.) https://doi.org/(Subscription or UK public library membership required)
• Kirby, David Peter (2000). The earliest English kings (Rev. ed.). London ; New York: Routledge. ISBN 9780415242110.
• Markus, R. A. (April 1963). "The Chronology of the Gregorian Mission to England: Bede's Narrative and Gregory's Correspondence". The Journal of Ecclesiastical History. 14 (1): 16–30. doi:10.1017/S0022046900064356.
• Markus, R. A. (1997). Gregory the Great and his world. Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521586085.
• Mayr-Harting, Henry (1991). The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England (3rd ed.). University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press. ISBN 978-0-271-00769-4.
• Mayr-Harting, Henry (23 September 2004). "Augustine [St Augustine] (d. 604), missionary and archbishop of Canterbury". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/899. Retrieved 2023-06-03. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.) (Subscription or UK public library membership required)
• Nelson, Janet L. (23 September 2004). "Bertha, queen in Kent, consort of Æthelberht". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/2269. Retrieved 2023-06-03. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.) (Subscription or UK public library membership required)
• Pryce, Huw (2009). "Conversions to Christianity". In Stafford, Pauline (ed.). A companion to the early Middle Ages. Blackwell Publishing Ltd. pp. 143–159. ISBN 978-1-4051-0628-3.
• Sanmark, Alexandra (2004). Power and Conversion. A Comparative Study of Christianization in Scandinavia. The University of Uppsala.
• Semple, Sarah (2013). Perceptions of the Prehistoric in Anglo-Saxon England: Religion, Ritual, and Rulership in the Landscape. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199683109.
• Tyler, Damian (April 2007). "Reluctant Kings and Christian Conversion in Seventh‐Century England". History. 92 (306): 144–161. doi:10.1111/j.1468-229X.2007.00389.x. ISSN 0018-2648.
• Wood, Ian (January 1994). "The Mission of Augustine of Canterbury to the English". Speculum. 69 (1): 1–17. doi:10.2307/2864782. JSTOR 2864782. S2CID 161652367.
• Yorke, Barbara (1985). "The kingdom of the East Saxons". Anglo-Saxon England. 14: 1–36. ISSN 0263-6751.
• Yorke, Barbara (1990). Kings and Kingdoms of Early Anglo-Saxon England. London: Seaby. ISBN 978-1-85264-027-9.

//

• Brooks, Nicholas (1984). The Early History of the Church of Canterbury: Christ Church from 597 to 1066. London: Leicester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7185-0041-2.
• Chaney, William A. (1970). The Cult of Kingship in Anglo-Saxon England: The Transition from Paganism to Christianity. Manchester: Manchester University Press.
• Herrin, Judith (1989). The Formation of Christendom. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-00831-8.
• Petts, David (2003). Christianity in Roman Britain. Stroud: Tempus. ISBN 0-7524-2540-4
• Rollason, D.W. (1982). The Mildrith Legend: A Study in Early Medieval Hagiography in England. Atlantic Highlands: Leicester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7185-1201-9.
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• Whitelock, Dorothy. English Historical Documents. Vol. 1.
• Yorke, Barbara. "The Kingdom of the East Saxons." Anglo-Saxon England 14 (1985): 1-36.

Further reading

Primary sources

• Bede (1991). D.H. Farmer (ed.). Ecclesiastical History of the English People. Translated by Leo Sherley-Price. R.E. Latham. London: Penguin. ISBN 978-0-14-044565-7.
• Bede Venerablis; translated by Leo Sherley-Price (1988). A History of the English Church and People. Penguin Classics. ISBN 978-0-14-044042-3.

Secondary sources

• Blair, John P. (2005). The Church in Anglo-Saxon Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-921117-3.
• Blair, Peter Hunter; Blair, Peter D. (2003). An Introduction to Anglo-Saxon England (Third ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-53777-3.
• Brown, Peter G. (2003). The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity, A. D. 200–1000. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers. ISBN 978-0-631-22138-8.
• Chaney, William A. (1967). "Paganism to Christianity in Anglo-Saxon England". In Thrupp, Sylvia L. (ed.). Early Medieval Society. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. pp. 67–83.
• Church, S. D. (2008). "Paganism in Conversion-age Anglo-Saxon England: The Evidence of Bede's Ecclesiastical History Reconsidered". History. 93 (310): 162–180. doi:10.1111/j.1468-229X.2008.00420.x.
• Coates, Simon (February 1998). "The Construction of Episcopal Sanctity in early Anglo-Saxon England: the Impact of Venantius Fortunatus". Historical Research. 71 (174): 1–13. doi:10.1111/1468-2281.00050.
• Colgrave, Bertram (2007). "Introduction". The Earliest Life of Gregory the Great (Paperback reissue of 1968 ed.). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-31384-1.
• Collins, Roger (1999). Early Medieval Europe: 300–1000 (Second ed.). New York: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0-312-21886-7.
• Dales, Douglas (2005). ""Apostles of the English": Anglo-Saxon Perceptions". L'eredità spirituale di Gregorio Magno tra Occidente e Oriente. Il Segno Gabrielli Editori. ISBN 978-88-88163-54-3.
• Deanesly, Margaret; Grosjean, Paul (April 1959). "The Canterbury Edition of the Answers of Pope Gregory I to St Augustine". Journal of Ecclesiastical History. 10 (1): 1–49. doi:10.1017/S0022046900061832. S2CID 161831302.
• Demacopoulos, George (Fall 2008). "Gregory the Great and the Pagan Shrines of Kent". Journal of Late Antiquity. 1 (2): 353–369. doi:10.1353/jla.0.0018. S2CID 162301915.
• Dodwell, C. R. (1985). Anglo-Saxon Art: A New Perspective (Cornell University Press 1985 ed.). Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-9300-3.
• Dodwell, C. R. (1993). The Pictorial Arts of the West: 800–1200. Pellican History of Art. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-06493-3.
• Foley, W. Trent; Higham, Nicholas. J. (2009). "Bede on the Britons". Early Medieval Europe. 17 (2): 154–185. doi:10.1111/j.1468-0254.2009.00258.x. S2CID 161128808.
• Frend, William H. C. (2003). Martin Carver (ed.). Roman Britain, a Failed Promise. The Cross Goes North: Processes of Conversion in Northern Europe AD 300–1300. Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press. pp. 79–92. ISBN 1-84383-125-2.
• Fryde, E. B.; Greenway, D. E.; Porter, S.; Roy, I. (1996). Handbook of British Chronology (Third revised ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-56350-5.
• Gameson, Richard & Gameson, Fiona (2006). "From Augustine to Parker: The Changing Face of the First Archbishop of Canterbury". In Smyth, Alfred P. & Keynes, Simon (eds.). Anglo-Saxons: Studies Presented to Cyril Roy Hart. Dublin: Four Courts Press. pp. 13–38. ISBN 978-1-85182-932-3.
• John, Eric (1996). Reassessing Anglo-Saxon England. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-5053-4.
• Jones, Putnam Fennell (July 1928). "The Gregorian Mission and English Education". Speculum. 3 (3): 335–348. doi:10.2307/2847433. JSTOR 2847433. S2CID 162352366.
• Kirby, D. P. (1967). The Making of Early England (Reprint ed.). New York: Schocken Books.
• Lapidge, Michael (2006). The Anglo-Saxon Library. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-926722-4.
• Lapidge, Michael (1999). The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Anglo-Saxon England. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 978-0-631-22492-1.
• Lapidge, Michael (2001). "Laurentius". In Lapidge, Michael; Blair, John; Keynes, Simon; Scragg, Donald (eds.). The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. p. 279. ISBN 978-0-631-22492-1.
• Lawrence, C. H. (2001). Medieval Monasticism: Forms of Religious Life in Western Europe in the Middle Ages. New York: Longman. ISBN 978-0-582-40427-4.
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• McGowan, Joseph P. (2008). "An Introduction to the Corpus of Anglo-Latin Literature". In Philip Pulsiano; Elaine Treharne (eds.). A Companion to Anglo-Saxon Literature (Paperback ed.). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. pp. 11–49. ISBN 978-1-4051-7609-5.
• Meens, Rob (1994). "A Background to Augustine's Mission to Anglo-Saxon England". In Lapidge, Michael (ed.). Anglo-Saxon England 23. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 5–17. ISBN 978-0-521-47200-5.
• Nelson, Janet L. (2006). "Bertha (b. c.565, d. in or after 601)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/2269. Retrieved 2008-03-30.
• Ortenberg, Veronica (1965). "The Anglo-Saxon Church and the Papacy". In Lawrence, C. H. (ed.). The English Church and the Papacy in the Middle Ages (1999 reprint ed.). Stroud: Sutton Publishing. pp. 29–62. ISBN 978-0-7509-1947-0.
• Schapiro, Meyer (1980). "The Decoration of the Leningrad Manuscript of Bede". Selected Papers: Volume 3: Late Antique, Early Christian and Mediaeval Art. London: Chatto & Windus. pp. 199 and 212–214. ISBN 978-0-7011-2514-1.
• Sisam, Kenneth (January 1956). "Canterbury, Lichfield, and the Vespasian Psalter". Review of English Studies. New Series. 7 (25): 1–10. doi:10.1093/res/VII.25.1.
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• "St Augustine Gospels". Grove Dictionary of Art. Art.net. 2000. Accessed on 10 May 2009
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• Thacker, Alan (1998). "Memorializing Gregory the Great: The Origin and Transmission of a Papal Cult in the 7th and early 8th centuries". Early Medieval Europe. 7 (1): 59–84. doi:10.1111/1468-0254.00018. S2CID 161546509.
• Walsh, Michael J. (2007). A New Dictionary of Saints: East and West. London: Burns & Oates. ISBN 978-0-86012-438-2.
• Williams, Ann (1999). Kingship and Government in Pre-Conquest England c. 500–1066. London: MacMillan Press. ISBN 978-0-333-56797-5.
• Wilson, David M. (1984). Anglo-Saxon Art: From the Seventh Century to the Norman Conquest. London: Thames and Hudson. OCLC 185807396.
• Yorke, Barbara (2006). The Conversion of Britain: Religion, Politics and Society in Britain c. 600–800. London: Pearson/Longman. ISBN 978-0-582-77292-2.