User:Calthinus/Irreligion in Albania

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Irreligion is present among Albanians (see religion in Albania), along with the predominant faiths of Islam and Christianity.[1]

Irreligion in Albania arose after a period of rising anti-clericalism and secularization in the context of the rising Albanian nationalism in the late Ottoman Empire. While authors in this period had at times used invective against religion, the first public advocate of abandoning religion itself was Ismet Toto in 1934[2], followed by works by Anastas Plasari[3] and Migjeni[4][5]. Beginning in 1946 under communist rule in Albania, religion was first curtailed[6], and then public religious practice was outlawed in 1967 with the adoption of state atheism by Enver Hoxha[7] although some private practice survived[8], and remained so until restrictions were first eased in 1985 and then removed in 1990[9] under his successor Ramiz Alia.

Nowadays, estimations of the size of the irreligious population vary widely. The self declared atheist population has been given figures ranging from 2.5%[10] to 8%[11] to 9%[12] while other estimates of irreligiosity have reported figures of 39% declaring as "atheists"(9%) or "nonreligious"(30%) [12], 61% not saying religion was "important" to their lives[12], and 72% "non-practicing"[13]. Many Albanians identified as Muslims or Christians have been found to practice only few or none of their faith's observances. Additionally, the young have been found to be less religious than their elders[14][15] and those of Orthodox Christian backgrounds appear to be the most prone to irreligious tendencies while those from Catholic backgrounds appear to be the least prone[15].

Religious identity in Albania is typically assigned by attribution, usually by familial history, rather than actual practice.[16][17] Despite widespread lack of religious practice, some antipathy toward outward atheists has been detected in surveys[15], and while there are numerous public figures who openly declare themselves as atheist, but there have also been complaints about negative public discourse toward atheists.[18]

History[edit]

Faik Dominik Konica, Albanian national revivalist, who, two years after his conversion from Islam to Catholicism, wrote invective against all religions
Enver Hoxha took Pashko Vasa's words literally, banning public religion though some private practice continued

In the late Ottoman era, in order to overcome the religious divisions among Albanians between members of the local Sunni Muslim, Orthodox Christian, Bektashi Muslim and Roman Catholic Christian communities. Albanian nationalism, as it emerged, tended to urge Albanians to disregard religious differences, arguing that divisive sectarian religious fanaticism was alien to Albanian culture, and propagated what some historians refer to as a "'civic religion' of Albanianism".[19] Pashko Vasa's famous poem O moj Shqypni told Albanians to "swear an oath not to mind [lit. "look to"] church or mosque" because "the faith of the Albanian is Albanianism"[19] (Albanian: feja e shqiptarit është shqiptaria or in Gheg Albanian: Feja e shqyptarit asht shqyptarija).

Albanian national revivalists in the 19th century such as Faik Konitza, Jani Vreto and Zef Jubani were often anti-clerical in rhetoric (Konica said in 1897: "Every faith religion makes me puke", or Albanian: Më vjen për të vjellur nga çdo fe)[20], but the first advocate of atheism in modern Albania is thought to have been Ismet Toto, a publicist and revolutionary [2] whose 1934 anti-religious polemic, Grindje me Klerin ("Quarrel with the clergy "), was one of the first known works advocating against the practice of religion itself in the Albanian language. This was followed by Sëmundja Fetare ("The Disease of Religion"), another important anti-religious polemic by Anastas Plasari in 1935. [3] The poem Blasfemi by Migjeni, who was considered to be an atheist by many, is also noted as being anti-religious. [4] [5]

During the communist era, Albania transitioned from a simple secular state to, in 1967, an entity upholding state atheism by which all public practice of religion was banned, although some private practice survived.[8]The beginning of anti-religious policies implemented by the Communist Party of Albania was in August 1946, with the Agrarian Reform Law which nationalized most of the property of religious institutions, restricted the activity of religious institutions, and preceded the persecution of many clergy and believers and the expulsion of all foreign Catholic priests.[6]

In 1967 Enver Hoxha took Pashko Vasa's poem literally, turning the struggle against the divisiveness of religious affiliations into a struggle against religion itself in order to replace the divisive allegiances of the different religious communities with a unifying loyalty to the Communist state,[21] and he declared Albania an Atheist State, in which public religious practice was prohibited.[22][7][23][24] By May 1967, all 2,169 religious buildings in Albania were nationalized, with many converted into cultural centers.[6] A major center for anti-religious propaganda was the National Museum of Atheism (Albanian: Muzeu Ateist) in Shkodër, the city viewed by the government as the most religiously conservative.[25][26] After the death of Enver Hoxha in 1985, his successor, Ramiz Alia, adopted a more stance toward religious practice, calling it as "a personal and family matter." Émigré clergymen were permitted to reenter the country in 1988 and officiate at religious services. Mother Teresa, an ethnic Albanian, visited Tirana in 1989, where she was received by the foreign minister and by Hoxha's widow. In December 1990, the ban on religious observance was officially lifted, in time to allow thousands of Christians to attend Christmas services,[9] although other sources report that official termination of the ban was in 1991.[27][28]

In 2014, following a visit by Pope Francis to Albania, some intellectuals criticized what they perceived as negative rhetoric aimed at atheists, which increasingly linked atheism to "communist crimes" and spoke of atheism as "deficient", leading to complaints that the revival of an anti-atheist "taboo",[18] among other issues[29].

Demography[edit]

Prevalence of irreligion[edit]

Religiosity in Albania (2016 Barem-WIN/ Gallup International)[12]

  Religious (56%)
  Non-religious (30%)
  Atheist (9%)
  Do not know/did not say (5%)

Different surveys have produced considerably varying figures for size of the irreligious population of Albania. A simple majority of the population claimed "no religious alliance" in 1993 [30][31] while the irreligious population was recorded at 74% in 1994[32] and more than 72% reported in 2005 as per religious practice (the remainder was 21% forms of Islam, 6% Orthodoxy and 3% Catholicism).[13] In August 2012, Pew Research study found out that only 15 percent of the Muslim population for example, consider religion as a very important factor in their lives, which was the lowest percentage in the world amongst countries with significant Muslim populations.[14] Another survey conducted by Gallup Global Reports 2010 shows that religion plays an important role in the lives of 39 percent of Albanians, and lists Albania as the thirteenth least religious country of the 114 surveyed.[33] When asked if they were "religious" in 2016 by Badem-WIN and Gallup-International, 56% of Albanians said they were "religious", 30% said they were "not religious", 9% said "atheist", and 5% did not answer,[12] with the same study finding that 80% of Albanians believe in the concept of "God", 40% believing in life after death, 57% believing in the existence of souls, 40% believing in hell, and 42% believing in heaven.[34] Also in Albania the majority of the males are not circumcised (as demanded by Islamic custom).[35] [36]

In the 2011 census, preliminary results showed 70% of Albanians refusing to declare belief in any of the listed faiths[37][38] although the final results may have differed markedly from this in showing the majority of Albanians associated with Islam and Christianity while 16.3% of Albanians either didn't answer or were atheist and another 5.5% were listed as "believers without (specific) faith".[10] The final results were nevertheless criticized by numerous communities as well as international organizations such as the Council of Europe, and news media noted concerns that there were reports where workers filled out the religion question without actually asking the participants, and that they used pencils which wasn't allowed, possibly leading to incorrect tallies; in the religious dimension, both the Orthodox and the Bektashis claimed they were vastly underrepresented.[39]

Characteristics of the irreligious population[edit]

Younger Albanians have been found to manifest more irreligion than their elders[14][15], making the trend in Albania opposite that found in Bosnia[15] and those of Orthodox background have been found to report the lowest importance of "God in their lives", closely followed by those of Muslim background, while those of Catholic background showed greater "importance of God in their lives" (for example, 54.5% of those of Catholic background said that God was "very important in their lives", compared to 26.7% of Orthodox and 35.6% of Muslims).[15]

A medical study from 2008 in Tirana on the relationship between religious observance and acute coronary syndrome found out that 67% of Muslims and 55% of Christians were completely religiously non-observant. The regular attendance of religious institutions (at least once every 2 weeks) was low in both denominations (6% in Muslims and 9% in Christians), and weekly attendance was very low (2% and 1%, respectively). Frequent praying (at least 2 to 3 times per week) was higher in Christians (29%) than in Muslims (17%) Praying several times daily (as required of devout Muslims) was rare (2% in Muslims and 3% in Christians). Regular fasting during Ramadan or Lent was similarly low in Muslims and Christians (5% and 6%, respectively). Generally Christians in the study were more observant then Muslims (26% vs 17%). [40]

Society[edit]

Ben Blushi, self-identified atheist politician
Ismail Kadare, the famous novelist, has declared himself an atheist [41][42]

In Albania, religious identity is typically defined by attribution, typically via one's familial religious background, rather than actual adherence,[16][17] and regardless of an individual's religiosity or lack thereof, it can still be socially significant, as it is occasionally linked to historical socioeconomic and cultural factors in some contexts.[43]

Some well known Albanian contemporary atheists include Ismail Kadare, Ben Blushi[44], Fatos Lubonja[45], Diana Çuli[46] and Elton Deda[47].

Antipathy toward overt atheists has been detected in surveys-- in one edition of the World Values Survey, 19.7% of Catholics, 17% of Muslims, and 9.4% of Orthodox "strongly agreed" that "those who don't believe in God" are unfit for office (total agreeing: 47.3% of Catholics, 46.9% of Muslims and 37% of Orthodox). [48] According to a 2011 study by Ipsos, 53.5% of the Albanians found found atheists "similar" to them while 34.1% found them "different".[49]


A 2016 study on homophobia amongst Albanian students found out that lack of a religious belief (27.7% of the students) was associated with decreased detection of homophobia. [50]

Some Albanian intellectuals have complained about the revival of a "taboo" against atheism as seen in the rhetoric surrounding the 2014 visit of the Pope to the country where atheism was linked to "communist crimes" and seen as "deficient", and that the new Albanian constitution claims trust in God as a "universal" value despite the significant number of people who don't believe in God in the country.[18] There have also been complaints about discourse both in Albania and by foreigners which cites statistics of the traditional population shares of the different Muslim and Christian sects present, which would show the country to be a 100% religious country, thus erasing the presence of the irreligious.[29]

Prime Minister Edi Rama (himself of Catholic and Orthodox extraction with a Muslim wife [51] and having expressed doubt about the existence of God [52]) has asserted that Albania's traditional religious harmony, traditionally defined as being between the four main faiths of Sunni Islam, Orthodox Christianity, Bektashi Islam and Roman Catholic Christianity, should also include the irreligious. In a 2015 national public Iftar service, he noted that an atheist friend of his had politely refused his invitation, but said:

"If it were the exclusive platform of those who believe in God, there are few who would be here. Therefore this is why I have taught myself for many years, at first from my office and then from inner impulse, that around the Iftar table we come as practicers of different faiths but some of us (also as) non-believers to pay respect. This participation is a special opportunity to experience and create a space of coexistence."[53]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Bogdani, Mirela; Loughlin, John (2007). Albania and the European Union: The Tumultuous Journey Towards Integration and Accession. I.B.Tauris. p. 34. ISBN 978-1-84511-308-7. Retrieved 16 April 2017.
  2. ^ a b Jorgaqi, Nasho (22 December 2013). "Ismet Toto, intelektuali kryengritës". Shqiptarja.com. Retrieved 29 July 2017.
  3. ^ a b [1]
  4. ^ a b Pamfleti (13 October 2015). "Migjeni pa pasardhës, si i vetmi ekspresionist shqiptar/ -nga Moikom Zeqo- Pamfleti". Pamfleti. Retrieved 28 July 2017.
  5. ^ a b "T'ja lëmë Zotit plakën | 27.al". 27.al (in Albanian). 13 April 2016. Retrieved 28 July 2017.
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  7. ^ a b Tarifa, Fatos (2007). To Albania, with Love. University Press of America. p. 68. ISBN 978-0-7618-3590-5. Retrieved 16 April 2017.
  8. ^ a b Vickers, Miranda; Pettifer, James (2000), Albania: From Anarchy to a Balkan Identity, NYU Press, pp. 99, 109, ISBN 081478805X
  9. ^ a b "Albania – The Revival of Religion". Country Data. Retrieved 14 May 2015.
  10. ^ a b "2011 Census-AL" [2011 Census-AL] (PDF) (in Albanian). INSTAT. 2011. Retrieved 16 April 2017.
  11. ^ Zuckerman, Phil (2006). "Atheism: Contemporary Numbers and Patterns". In Martin, Michael (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to Atheism. Cambridge University Press. pp. 47–66. ISBN 9780521842709.
  12. ^ a b c d e "Research: 95 percent of Turkey believes in god, 74 percent is 'religious'(In Turkish)". Diken.com.tr. 6 May 2017.
  13. ^ a b ""Instantanés d'Albaníe, un autre regard sur les Balkans"" (PDF). Wayback.archive.org. 2005. Retrieved 20 July 2017. Etudiants en Tourisme et Actions Patrimoniales. (plus de 72 % irréligieux ou non pratiquants. 28 % se répartissent en 21 % musulmans, 6% orthodoxes, 3 % catholiques. )
  14. ^ a b c "The World's Muslims: Unity and Diversity". Pew. 9 August 2012. Retrieved 6 September 2013.
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  16. ^ a b Hayden, Robert M. 2002. "Antagonistic Tolerance. Competitive Sharing of Religious Sites in South Asia and the Balkans." Current Anthropology 43, 2: 205-219. Page 208
  17. ^ a b De Rapper, Gilles. "Religion in Post-Communist Albania: Muslims, Christians, and the idea of 'culture' in Devoll, Southern Albania". Anthropological Notebooks 14, 2(2008) : Pages 31-45. Page 33: "Notwithstanding the level of religious practice and feelings (which of course varies from one individual to another), everyone is aware of belonging – at least by family origin – to a particular ‘religion’ (fe), Muslim or Christian. It thus possible to say that in Devoll, as elsewhere in Albania and the Balkans, one belongs to a religious community by attribution rather than by adherence. Belonging to a religious community, or ‘religion’, is not only a matter of faith. The social implications of religious attribution are visible at different levels of social life."
  18. ^ a b c Ylli Rugova (23 September 2014). "Ateizmi po behet tabu". Gazeta Express.. Quote: "Në diskursin dominant në Shqipëri është bërë krejt e natyrshme që ateizmi të paraqitet si diçka e mangët në krahasim me religjionin. Në anën tjetër religjioni të paraqitet si një pasuri shtesë në jetën e njeriut. Pasuri që ka qenë e ndaluar për popullin shqiptar gjatë periudhës totalitariste. Ky deformim në hartën semantike të diskursit shqiptar u shpërfaq krejt qartë edhe gjatë vizitës së Papës në Shqipëri. Gati në të gjitha fjalimet u përmend me të madhe ajo që u quajt “krimet e ateizmit komunist”. Këtu në fakt e kishin fjalën për krimet ndaj të gjitha ideologjive që ishin bërë gjatë periudhës kur Shqipëria kishte diktaturë. Por me këtë formulimin “krimet e ateizmit komunist” po dilte thuaja ka qenë ateizmi ai që ka shtyrë liderët e asaj kohe të ndërtojnë një sistem totalitar represiv. "; Quote : "E dyta është fjalia “me besim te Zoti dhe/ose te vlera të tjera universale”, sikur besimi në zot të jetë në kategori të vlerave universale. Çka nuk është*. Po të ishte besimi në zot vlerë universale, atëhere si do të kategorizoheshin ata që nuk besojnë në zot? Pa vlera universale? Mos të harrojmë që njerëzit që nuk besojnë në zot nuk janë të paktë në numër. "
  19. ^ a b Duijzings, Ger. "Religion and the Politics of 'Albanianism'". In Schwandler-Stevens and Jurgen, Albanian Identities: Myth and History. Pages 61-62. Page 62: "nationalist rhetoric declared it [religion/millet] to be unimportant (and that religious fanaticism to be alien to the Albanian soul)", page 61:"From the beginning, national ideologists propagated a kind of 'civil religion' of Albanianism, which was epitomized in Pashko Vasa's famous and influential nationalist poem O moj Shqipni ("O poor Albania"): "Awaken, Albanians, wake from your slumber. Let us all be brothers, swear an oath not to mind church or mosque. The faith of the Albanian is Albanianism!'"
  20. ^ {{cite article|url=http://gazeta-shqip.com/lajme/2014/09/11/myslimanet-shqiptare-ne-anen-e-gabuar-te-historise/%7Ctitle=Myslimanët shqiptarë, “në anën e gabuar të historisë”|date=11 September 2014|accessdate=27 July 2017|source=Gazeta Shqip|quote="Është spekuluar shumë lidhur me identitetin fetar të Konicës. Fakti që ai ka lindur në një familje myslimane nuk ha fare diskutim, e prandaj të vjen çudi se si miku i tij, poeti francez, Guillame Apollinaire, ka shkruar për të se “[ka lindur] në një familje që ka ruajtur besimin katolik”; nuk merret vesh se nga e ka nxjerrë këtë xhevahir. Ndonjë tjetër ka mbrojtur tezën se ai është konvertuar në vitin 1895 në katolik, madje është pagëzuar, ka marrë emrin Domenic, mirëpo Konica vetë, edhe pas këtij momenti, jo vetëm që nuk ka folur kurrë për konvertimin e vet në fenë katolike, por ka vijuar të shkruajë me gjuhën e një ateisti nervoz. “Më vjen për të vjellur nga çdo fe”, thosh ai në një shkrim të vitit 1897, d.m.th. dy vjet pas konvertimit putativ në fenë katolike. "
  21. ^ Duijzings, Ger. "Religion and the Politics of 'Albanianism'". In Schwandler-Stevens and Jurgen, Albanian Identities: Myth and History. Page 62-63: "Enver Hoxha took Pashko Vasa's motto literally and made Albania the first 'atheist' state in the world... the struggle against religious divisions evolved into a fight against religion per se, which aimed to replace the diverging allegiances to religious communities with one undivided loyalty to the Communist Party. In spite of Enver Hoxha's radical Stalinist outlook, it was nationalism which provided the backbone to his policies: his harsh treatment of religious communities should primarily be seen in this light."
  22. ^ Squires, Nick (21 September 2014). "Pope visits Albania: 10 things you may not know one of Europe's least understood countries". The Telegraph. Retrieved 16 April 2017.
  23. ^ Nielsen, Jørgen; Akgönül, Samim; Alibašić, Ahmet; Racius, Egdunas, eds. (2014). Yearbook of Muslims in Europe. BRILL. p. 20. ISBN 978-90-04-28305-3. Retrieved 16 April 2017.
  24. ^ Nielsen, Jørgen Schøler; Akgönül, Samim; Alibašić, Ahmet; Maréchal, Brigitte; Moe, Christian (1 January 2009). Yearbook of Muslims in Europe. BRILL. ISBN 978-9004175051. Retrieved 15 December 2016 – via Google Books.
  25. ^ Vickers, Miranda; Pettifer, James (2000), Albania: From Anarchy to a Balkan Identity, NYU Press, pp. 99, 109, ISBN 081478805X
  26. ^ Mustafa, Mentor (2008). "What Remained of Religion in an "Atheist" State and the Return of Religion in Post-Communist Albania". In Repič, Jaka; Bartulović, Alenka; Sajovec Altshul, Katarina (eds.). MESS and RAMSES II. Vol. 7, Mediterranean Ethnological Summer School. Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta. p. 67. ISBN 978-961-237-279-8. Retrieved 10 July 2015.
  27. ^ Clayer, Nathalie (1997). "Islam, state and society in post-Communist Albania". In Poulton, Hugh; Taji-Farouki, Suha (eds.). Muslim Identity and the Balkan State. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. p. 115. ISBN 978-1-85065-276-2. Retrieved 16 April 2017.
  28. ^ Vickers, Miranda (2007). "The Development of Religion in Post-Communist Albania". In Pettifer, James; Nazarko, Mentor (eds.). Strengthening Religious Tolerance for a Secure Civil Society in Albania and the Southern Balkans. IOS Press. p. 27. ISBN 978-1-58603-779-6. Retrieved 16 April 2017.
  29. ^ a b "Feja dhe statistikat fetare në Shqipëri, sipas Ateisteve". 360grade.al. Retrieved 20 July 2017.
  30. ^ O'Brien, Joanne; Martin Palmer (1993). The State of Religion Atlas. New York City, New York: Simon and Schuster. Over 50% of Albanians claim 'no religious alliance.'
  31. ^ Zuckerman, Phil (2005). Michael Martin (ed.). Atheism: Contemporary Rates and Patterns ", chapter in The Cambridge Companion to Atheism. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.
  32. ^ Goring, Rosemary, ed. (1994). Larousse Dictionary of Beliefs & Religions. Larousse. pp. 581–584. Table: "Population Distribution of Major Beliefs" (Nonreligious 74.00%)
  33. ^ "Gallup Global Reports". Gallup.com. 2010. Archived from the original on 14 October 2013. Retrieved 7 September 2013.
  34. ^ "Religion prevails in the world" (PDF). Gallup. Retrieved 30 July 2017.
  35. ^ [2] WHO page 236
  36. ^ [3] Morris et al. Population Health Metrics (2016)
  37. ^ "Regjistrimi: 70% e banorëve nuk kanë deklaruar besimin fetar". Ateistet.org. Retrieved 18 April 2012.
  38. ^ "Censusi permbys fete, 70 per qind refuzojne ose nuk e deklarojne besimin". Shqiperia.com. Retrieved 30 March 2016.
  39. ^ "Censusi, shumë prej pyetjeve plotësoheshin nga vetë anketuesit". Gazeta Tema. Retrieved 14 May 2015.
  40. ^ Burazeri, Genc; Goda, Artan; Kark, Jeremy D. (December 2008). "Religious observance and acute coronary syndrome in predominantly Muslim Albania: a population-based case-control study in Tirana". Annals of Epidemiology. 18 (12): 937–945. doi:10.1016/j.annepidem.2008.09.001. ISSN 1873-2585. PMID 19041593.
  41. ^ "Born near the Greek border in Gjirokaster in 1936, of two Muslim parents, Kadare claims to be an atheist. However, much of his language, especially when he talks of forgiving the old Stalinist order rather than seeking revenge, is Christian. The paradox, then, is that Kadare is a humanist who claims that the greatest riches of Albanian culture derive from its Christian tradition." John Murray, 'The Orphan's Voice', The Independent (London), January 25, 1998, Page 25.
  42. ^ Muslim Identity and the Balkan State, Hugh Poulton, Suha Taji-Farouki, 1997, ISBN 1-85065-276-7, google print, p. 133.
  43. ^ De Rapper, Gilles. "Religion in Post-Communist Albania: Muslims, Christians, and the idea of 'culture' in Devoll, Southern Albania". Anthropological Notebooks 14, 2(2008): 31-45. Pages 37-39
  44. ^ "OPINION – A NA KERCENON TERRORIZMI ISLAMIK ? – TV KLAN". Retrieved 30 July 2017.
  45. ^ Opinion.al. "TOLERANCA FETARE, REALITET APO MIT?". Opinion.al (in Albanian). Retrieved 30 July 2017.
  46. ^ "Debati për veshjen islame, Diana Çuli: Fetë monoteiste diskriminojnë gratë - Tirana Post". Tirana Post (in Albanian). 11 July 2017. Retrieved 30 July 2017.
  47. ^ "Elton Deda: Nuk besoj në zot, pasi nuk ka zot". Retrieved 30 July 2017.
  48. ^ "How religious are Albanian and Bosnian Muslims?". Discover. Retrieved 5 July 2013.
  49. ^ "Nation Building" (PDF). Ipos. Retrieved 30 July 2017.
  50. ^ Cross-cultural and socio-demographic correlates of homophobic attitude among university students in three European countries, Legal Journal of Endocrinological Investigation
  51. ^ "Edi Rama: Jam katolik, fëmijët e parë i kam ortodoks, gruan e kam myslimane". Telegrafi. 20 February 2015. Quote: "Unë jam katolik se gjyshja ime donte të isha katolik edhe pse burri i saj, gjyshi im ishte ortodoks, dhe kisha nuk e miratonte martesën. Ajo i shkroi Selisë së Shenjtë për të marrë leje për tu martuar me këtë burrë që ajo e përshkroi si ateist, megjithëse ai ishte ortodoks dhe u zotua para kishës se fëmijët e saj do të ishin katolikë. Kështu ndodhi. Babai im dhe fëmijët e tjerë ishin katolike. Kurse gruaja ime është myslimane. Dy fëmijët e mi te pare janë ortodoksë kurse djali i vogël katolik. Kjo është harmonia fetare në Shqipëri”, ka treguar Rama"
  52. ^ "Edi Rama: "Unë nuk praktikoj besim tjetër, përveç atij tek vetja dhe tek njerëzit, por nuk besoj se sidoqoftë eksiztenca ose jo e Zotit është një çështje që mund të zgjidhet ndonjëherë nga të vdekshmit" (in Albanian). Facebook. 8 July 2014.
  53. ^ "Rama shtron iftar: Një ateist refuzoi ftesën time". Telegrafi. 14 July 2015. Quote: "Po të ishte iftari platformë ekskluzive e atyre që besojnë te Zoti, sonte nuk do të ishin të pakët ata që s’do ishin këtu. Prandaj unë që në këtë mes u mësova të jem prej vitesh tashmë, fillimisht prej detyrës dhe më pas për shtysë të brendshme, mësova që rreth sofrës së iftarit mblidhemi si praktikantë të feve të ndryshme, por edhe jo besimtarë për t’i bërë respekt besimit të disa prej nesh". Last accessed 8 July 2017