Talk:Sathya Sai Baba/sources

Excerpts of proposed sources for the Wikipedia article Sathya Sai Baba to help contributors.

Babb Redemptive encounters: SSB's miracles

Lawrence A. Babb, Redemptive Encounters: Three Modern Styles in the Hindu Tradition, (Comparative Studies in Religion and Society, chapter Sathya Sai Baba’s miracles, published by Waveland press 2000 (original publisher is by Oxford University Press 1987) ISBN 577661532

"The strict fact of his personal biography and manner of life are buried beneath layer upon layer of hagiography. (see esp. the works of Kasturi; also Gokak 1975). As far as I am aware no objective account of Sathya Sai Baba’s life has been written by anyone close to him. Indeed such an account may be an inherent impossibility: it unlikely that anyone who is allowed in to his inner circles would want to write in such a vein. [..]

Thus Sathya Sai Baba himself cannot be the actual subject of an account of his cult. For now, so supposedly ‘real’ Sathya Sai Baba’ can be anymore real than an imagined character in fiction.", page 160

"Attendees tend to be well dressed and obviously affluent, and I suspect that in some circles these events carry a certain social cachet. The main event is the singing of devotional songs, most of which are overtly addressed to Sathya Sai Baba himself. A book containing suitable bhajans is owned by many devotees. The singing is followed by a period of silent meditation, and then arati is performed in the usual fashion before the altar. Devotees receive prashad as they leave" (Babb 170)

"Sathya Sai Baba is, among other things, a teacher.He teaches how to achieve kaivalyam i.e.salvation. He is a frequent giver of discourses, now compiled in several volumes. He usually speaks in Telugu, and before a Hindi-speaking audience an interpreter is required. One of his most characteristic rhetorical devices is the ad hoc (and often false) etymology. For example, he has stated that Hindu means `one who is nonviolent' by the combination of hinsa (violence) and dur (distant)." page 171

• ^ Babb, Lawrence Redemptive Encounters page 179 "frequently appears in devotee's dreams, and because he is believed to appear in dreams only when he wills it, every dream of him is a kind of miraculous communication" page 179

"...for Sathya Sai Baba's followers everything that occurs does so by his ordainment. They speak of this constantly, even in connection with what may seem to be the most trivial events; nothing happens that he does not will....Their world is something like an enchanted garden. This is a point on which it is difficult to be ethnographically precise, but it is real enough. It emerges mainly in the tone...An informant reported an altercation with someone while staying at Baba's ashram; immediately upon leaving the room his eye lighted on a sign with some slogan about the evils of anger. Another informant reports longing for a guava, having seen a few unimpressive specimens for sale while on a motor trip. When her car halted, a man suddenly appeared by its side with two plump and juicy ones, which he sold her for eight annas. This, of course, was Baba himself. Another informant tells of how she was frightened by the dark clouds surrounding an aircraft in which she was descending for a landing at Nagpur. But then, just as the thought of Baba flashed through her mind, the plane passed through a momentary shaft of sunlight." Lawrence Babb, Redemptive Encounters, pp. 198-199.

Babb Sathya Sai Baba's Magic

Babb, Lawrence A. Sathya Sai Baba's Magic in Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 56, No. 3 (Jul., 1983), pp. 116–124

"However, I think it is quite clear that Sathya Sai Baba's teachings, as such, are not what is most important Swamis teachings. The most striking feature of this teachings, however, is the extremely strong emphasis given to the miraculous. On this point let there be no mistake: Sathya Sai Baba's miracles are crucial to what his teachings are all about."

"It is believed, indeed, that he appears in dreams only when he wills it; thus, every dream of him is a kind of miraculous communication."

BBC Secret Swami

BBC This_World_(television_programme) The Secret Swami 17th June 2004 transcript

Bowen The Sathya Sai Baba Community in Bradford: Its origins and development, religious beliefs and practices

Bowen, David The Sathya Sai Baba Community in Bradford: Its origins and development, religious beliefs and practices. Leeds: University Press. (1988) , based on his dissertation of 1985

page 256-257 "The nub of the crucial problem for those who apply themselves to theology lies in the fact that the gods, by definition, have not been subject themselves to testing under controlled conditions. [...]To be subject to laboratorial testing is to be accessible, to be manipulable, to be no more than an extension, if not of man himself then of the pnysical [sic] world of which he is the steward. It would be to abdicate the from the concept of deity as that on which all else is contingent.[ ..]" page 257 "Sceptics might argue that the onus of proof must rest on the believers, since it is their claim that the observed laws of science are being transcended. The believers, however, will counter that there are factors involved which by definition, are not amenable to such proving."

• • Appendix 2 The Teachings of Sathya Sai Baba, page 345 "Baba's teachings is to be understood in the context of Hindu-theologies of identity or non-difference, Advaita Vedanta. [..]For criticism of Baba 's advaitic views, see Mangalwadi 1977: 153, 163"

Brown Divine Downfall

• Brown, Mick Divine downfall 28 Oct. 2000 available online: "Whether he is divine, 'a demented demonic force', as Glen Meloy now describes him, or simply the most accomplished fakir and confidence trickster, Sai Baba has said nothing publicly about the allegations laid against him."
• Brown, Mick Divine downfall 28 Oct. 2000 available online: "When the Telegraph Magazine contacted K Chakravarthi, secretary of the Puttaparthi ashram, he said, 'We have no time for these matters. I have nothing to say' and terminated the call.'...Sai Baba's principal English translator, Anil Kumar, was more forthcoming. Every great religious teacher, he said, had faced criticism in their lifetime. Such allegations had been levelled at Sai Baba since childhood, 'but with every criticism he becomes more and more triumphant'. Kumar said he considered the controversy 'all part of [Sai Baba's] divine plan. It's a paddy field with husks around the rice. Eventually all the unwanted parts will go to leave the true substance inside.'"

• Brown, Mick; Divine Downfall in The Telegraph UK Newspaper (28 Oct. 2000): "The guru Sai Baba has left India only once, yet his devotees across the world are estimated at up to 50 million.";

"In April, Glen Meloy - a retired management consultant and a prominent Californian devotee of some 26 years standing - received a letter from an American woman who had read The Findings on the Internet. Her 15-year-old son, she said, had also been abused. Included in the letter was a four-page statement from the boy himself alleging multiple sexual abuse."

• Brown, Mick Divine Downfall article in The Telegraph UK Newspaper UK (28 Oct. 2000): "There has been a rash of defections from Sai Baba groups throughout the West. In Sweden the central group has closed down, and so too has a school based on the Human Education Values programme devised by educationalists at the Puttaparthi college."

• Brown, Mick Divine Downfall in The Telegraph 28 October 2000

"The Findings is a chronicle of shattered illusions."

• Brown, Mick Divine Downfall in The Telegraph 28 October 2000

"In recent months, an extraordinary storm of allegations have appeared - spurred by a document called The Findings [..] Originally published in document form, The Findings quickly found its way on to the internet, where it has become the catalyst for a raging cyberspace debate about whether Sai Baba is truly divine or, as one disenchanted former devotee describes him, 'a dangerous paedophile'."

• Brown, Mick Divine Downfall in The Telegraph 28 October 2000: "It contains allegations of fakery, con-trickery and financial irregularities in the funding of the hospital and over a Sai Baba project to supply water to villages around the ashram, which is habitually trumpeted as evidence of his munificence."

Brown Spiritual Tourist

Brown Mick, The Spiritual Tourist, Ch: The Miracle In North London, pp. 29-30, 1998 ISBN 1-58234-034-X

"I had no idea what to make of the pictures. To have applied the vibuthi to the glass would have been possible, perhaps, although I could not imagine how. The vibuthi was too evenly distributed to have been applied with a brush or sponge. The pictures did not seem to me to have been tampered with in any way. Rather, the vibuthi seemed to have grown on the surface of the glass, just as Mr. Patel said it had. Even if placing vibuthi on the glass might have just about been possible, to have placed it between the picture and the frame, as was the case with some of the portriats, seemed to me to be too complicated and troublesome. It seemed preposterous to imagine Mr Patel and his family bent over frames and sheets of glass, fiddling with ash and screwdrivers. Anyway, why would anyone contrive such a spectacle? There was no apparent profit or gain to be had from it for Mr Patel. A large sign near the pictures urged visitors not to give money, but to 'leave only your troubles'".

"What other motive could he have had? It had, if anything, caused him considerable personal inconvience. His house was no longer his own. He entertained a constant stream of visitors and enquiries; he was required to maintain the shrine in proper order. He had long ago abandoned any thoughts of installing a snooker-table as he had originally planned. Besides, Mr Patel did not strike me as a man capable of deceit. His manner was humble, self-effacing, patently sincere. 'I am deeply blessed,' he said. Even questioning his account of the miracle I felt mean-spirited, a prisoner of rationalist thought. Perhaps it was better simply to accept it for what Mr Patel said it was, for what it seemed to be - the sparkle of holy ash enlivening the dreary suburb of Wealdstone. I walked away from Mr Patel's house with my head reeling, Austin at my side. His face still wore the same absorbed half-smile I had noticed when he was sitting in the ante-room." "'So what did you think?' I asked."

"He walked along in silence for some moments, mulling it over. 'Well, if it's not a miracle,' he said at last, 'it's a wonderful fairy tale.'" "I told friends about the vibuthi-covered portriats; they looked at me in a bemused, eyebrow-arching sort of way. It couldn't be true, because such things simply don't happen, do they? But then they hadn't seen it, and I had."

"The phenomenon of vibuthi appearing on photographs was not confined to Mr. Patel's house. I began to hear accounts of similar manifestations at houses and temples in Leicaster, in New York, Canada, Australia and, of course, in India. Shortly after the article appeared I received another telephone call, from someone I had nver met, inviting me to another house, also in North London, where vibuthi was said to be manifesting in even greater quantities than at Mr. Patel's."

"As soon as I stepped inside I was assailed by the familiar sweet smell of vibuthi...The vibuthi was everywhere as material evidence. Its profusion was staggering; its sweet smell penetrated every corner of the house."

Eijk The Miracle worker

• Dutch original by Piet van der Eijk under the title "De Wonderdoener" in the magazine HP/De Tijd, dated 31/1/1992, pages. 46-50: English Translation: "Keith, (26), says that when he had been chosen for a personal meeting, Sai Baba said to him that he thought too much about girls. But on another occasion Baba went further. "Suddenly he pulled down my trousers and tried to excite me sexually. He took my hand and put it on his genitals. Then I noticed that Sai Baba was dual-gendered: not that he was half-female half-male, not a hermaphrodite, no, from one moment to the next he changed from male into female, completely with the appropriate genitals. Don't ask me how this is can be, but that is how I experienced it. It must be some sort of miracle too. Obviously Sai Baba lives on another level from mere mortals." This is what Keith Ord tells us and we only repeat it."

Original Dutch: "Keith, (26), vertelt dat Sai Baba hem zei, toen hij was uitverkoren voor een persoonlijke ontmoeting, dat hij teveel aan de meisjes dacht. Maar op een volgende gelegenheid ging Baba verder. "Onverhoeds trok hij mijn broek naar beneden en probeerde hij mij seksueel op te winden. Hij nam mijn hand en legde het op zijn geslachtsorgaan. Toen merkte ik dat Sai Baba tweeslachtig was: niet dat hij half-vrouw half-man was, geen hermafrodiet, nee, van het ene ogenblik op het andere veranderde hij van man in vrouw, compleet met de geslachtsorganen die daarbij horen. Vraag me niet hoe dat kan, maar ik heb het zo ervaren. Het moet ook een soort wonder zijn. Kennelijk leeft Sai Baba toch op een ander niveau dan gewone stervelingen." Dit is wat Keith Ord ons vertelt en wij geven het maar door."

Goldberg Untouchable?

• Goldberg, Michelle, Untouchable? (25 July 2001) in salon.com available online: "All this helps explain why there has never been any official action against Sai Baba in India, despite the dozens of ex-believers who insist that his claims to divinity mask a wholly human craving for the bodies of the ashram's young men and boys."

Goldberg, Michelle, Untouchable? (25 July 2001) in salon.com available online: "Given all this, one might suspect that Sai Baba's following would be in decline. Yet when one looks around Puttaparthi, there seem to be enough bright-eyed converts to replace every defector, enough denial to obscure even the most well documented allegations and, perhaps most of all, enough fierce belief to trump ordinary moral judgments."

• Goldberg, Michelle [1] in salon.com 25 July 2001 (about the Findings) "They're not new, either. In 1970, Tal Brooke published a book called 'Lord of the Air', later renamed 'Avatar of Night', a vivid, detailed account of his mind-blowing days as a questing young acolyte and his total disillusionment on learning of his guru's sexual rapacity. Yet it's only recently, thanks in large part to the Internet, that various victims, their parents and defecting officials from within the Sai Organization have banded together to direct the energy they once poured into worshiping their master toward bringing the man down. It all started with a document called "The Findings," published in late 2000 by long-term devotees David and Faye Bailey, whose marriage was arranged by Sai Baba."

Goldberg, Michelle in salon.com 25 July 2001 "Most of 'The Findings' consists of testimony of sexual harassment and sexual abuse."

• Goldberg, Michelle [3] in salon.com 25 July 2001

"Whilst still at the ashram, the worst thing for me -- as a mother of sons -- occurred when a young man, a college student, came to our room, to plead with David, 'Please Sir, do something to stop him sexually abusing us,'" Faye writes. "These sons of devotees, unable to bear their untenable position of being unwilling participants in a paedophile situation any longer, yet unable to share this with their parents because they would be disbelieved, placed their trust in David; a trust which had built over his five years as a visiting professor of music to the Sai college."

Goldberg, Michelle, Untouchable? (25 July 2001) in salon.com available online: "All this helps explain why there has never been any official action against Sai Baba in India, despite the dozens of ex-believers who insist that his claims to divinity mask a wholly human craving for the bodies of the ashram's young men and boys."

Haraldsson Miracles are my visiting cards

• Haraldsson, Erlendur PhD Miracles are my visiting cards - An investigative inquiry on Sathya Sai Baba, an Indian mystic with the gift of foresight believed to perform modern miracles (1997 revised and updated edition published by Sai Towers, India) ISBN 81-86822-32-1 pp. 43: "Immediately thereafter Sai Baba waved his hand again for two or three seconds, the palm turned down, and then quickly closed it. His arm was approximately horizontal to the ground, which was not a position favourable for allowing an object to fall from his sleeve. We observed at close range as Sai Baba loosened the grip on his fist so that he could hold the large, bulky necklace that appeared in his hand. It was a mangalasutra, a traditional piece of jewelry for a woman given at her wedding. It was 32 inches long, 16 inches each side, and it contained nine kinds of stones arranged in nine groups, each group interspaced by a gold bead. Attached to it was a picture of Sai Baba set in a golden rosette frame an inch and a half in diameter...The necklace was too large to be hidden in a man's fist, particularly Baba's small hand. Its sudden appearance left those present amazed."

• Haraldsson, Erlendur PhD "Miracles are my visiting cards - An investigative inquiry on Sathya Sai Baba, an Indian mystic with the gift of foresight believed to perform modern miracles" (first published in 1987, 1997 revised and updated edition) ISBN 81-86822-32-1 pp. 206, chap. "The Critics: "In May of 1977 the committee let it be known that it would be going to Brindavan at a certain time in the hope that Baba would receive them. Off they went, in two busloads that included the committee members, journalists, photographers, and some other interested people, their expedition first being widely publicized. The guards at the gate at Brindavan did not let the grup enter the premises, with the exception of the only two women of the committee, Dr Vinoda Murthy...and Dr. Anupama Niranjana. But they would not go in unless all the committee were admitted. Dr. Sundar Rao, an old devotee of Sai Baba, told the committee that Baba had instructed the guards not to let them and their entourage in and that he would not come out of his building until the committee left. There was never any investigation. The only formal challenge from the scientific community in India came to a dead end. Perhaps all the fanfare had not been the wisest way to ensure Baba's cooperation. The negative attitude of the committee was obvious, but Baba might not have participated in any investigation, regardless of how he had been approached. The episode started off a widely publicized controversy that raged in the newspapers for several months."
• Haraldsson, Erlendur PhD "Miracles are my visiting cards - An investigative inquiry on Sathya Sai Baba, an Indian mystic with the gift of foresight believed to perform modern miracles" (first published in 1987, 1997 revised and updated edition) ISBN 81-86822-32-1: pp. 295-301: Chap. 31 "Public Reaction": "On Sathya Sai Baba's Birthday, 23 November 1992, the Deccan Chronicle of Hyderabad published a story with this front-page head-line: 'DD TAPE UNVEILS BABA MAGIC'...We carried out a careful analysis of the tape supplied by Mr. Nair. Sai Baba is seen standing on the podium of the hall. Several people are seated at the back of the podium, facing the audience. A large and apparently heavy memento (probably 18 inched by 18 inches at its base) is brought in by an assistant, Mr. Radhakrishna Menon (RM). The memento, held with four hands by Sai Baba and RM, is handed over to the architect who designed the building, Mr. R. Chakrapani. Immediately after he receives it, Sai Baba makes a circular sweeping movement with his right hand, in which appears suddenly gold-coloured ornament or necklace, which he places around the neck of Mr. Chakrapani. This whole sequence of events takes about 17 seconds...The quality and resolution of the tape leaves much to be desired and limits the inferences that can be drawn from it. Dr. Wiseman took the videotape to a company which specialises in investigating corporate fraud. This company posesses some of the world's best equipment designed to enhance poor quality videotape. The technician kindly offered to enhance the videotape in question. The videotape was run through a real time Snell & Wilcox Kudos Noise Reducer. The machine carries out three operations. First, it removes via recursive filters the random noise on the tape caused by repeated copying. Second, it imporves the graininess of the video by median filters and finally enhances any edges on the video through edge enhancement filters. After all this the video is certainly easier to watch, and did not contain much of the random noise present on the copy provided by the Deccan Chronicle. However, the resulting tape still did not reveal further information about the incident. In short, the reason for Sai Baba's hand movements still appears unclear and is open for various interpretations, but the tape contained no firm evidence of fraud. The company also analysed several still frames taken from the video. These were scanned into a computer and run through an Improve image processing system (developed by the Home Office in Britain). Again, the images were enhanced via median filters and certain areas of the frames were enlarged. The resulting photographs show the crucial moment as Sai Baba's hands touch under the memento, but do not reveal any further information...The statement made by the Deccan Chronicle that Sai Baba takes the gold chain form his personal assistant is not corroborated by the tape or the picture they print."

Hummel

full English text available online

• Hummel, Reinhart German article published in Materialdienst der de:Evangelische_Zentralstelle_für_Weltanschauungsfragen, 47 Jahrgang, 1 February 1984, Translation by Linda W. Duddy and is reprinted by their permission, available online on the website of the Dialog Center, a Christian Anti-Cult Site: "[..] Sai Baba has an unrivaled reputation as a miracle worker. He »materializes« watches, talismans, sweets, flowers, crucifixes, books, photographs, and, above all, holy ashes (vibhuti) with a wave of the hand. Miraculous cures with help from the ashes, or from Baba himself as the surgeon, and even the resurrecting of the dead are attributed to him."

Nagel Sai Baba and mentalist Wolf Messing

Nagel, Alexandra (note: Nagel is a critical former follower) Een mysterieuze ontmoeting... :Sai Baba en mentalist Wolf Messing/A mysterious meeting... :Sai Baba and mentalist Wolf Messing published in Tijdschrift voor Parapsychologie/Journal for parapsychology 368, vol. 72 nr 4, Dec. 2005, pp. 14-17 (Dutch language): "Sai Baba was in 1927 one year old - or not yet born (a discussion exist about his birth year.)" Dutch original: "Sai Baba was in 1927 één jaar oud - of nog niet eens geboren (er bestaat discussie over zijn geboortejaar.)"

Nair

• Nair, Yogas, "Raisins, ash raise eyebrows", The Post April 19, 2006, available online: "Golden raisins falling out of a Lord Hanuman statue, sweet honey oozing from his chest and grey ash scattered on Sai Baba pictures. These were some of the mysterious sights that greeted a Phoenix crystal healer and businesswoman when she arrived at her clothing factory on the morning of Hanuman Jayanthi (Hanuman's birthday) on Thursday...She said the picture of Sai Baba had also "shed tears" which 'tasted salty'. 'I was overwhelmed by everything that was happening. However, I accepted it as a blessing and reaffirmed my faith in God.' She said during auspicious days such as Ganesha Pooja and Shivarathri, kungoo (scared red ash), turmeric, sugar candy and coloured strings, appeared on deities of Lord Ganesha and Shiva...I visited Govender at her factory yesterday (Tuesday) and was greeted by mounds of unscented ashes around Baba's photographs. Honey was "oozing" out of a Hanuman statue and raisins appeared scattered around it. A deity of Lord Shiva also appeared to materialise a blue crystal."

Pillay, Prinella Divine blessing

Reference 3: Pillay, Prinella Divine blessing: It's a miracle, says family March 17, 2004 in the newspaper Post South Africa available online "In what is being described as a divine blessing, a staunch Sai Baba-devoted Isipingo family is experiencing what they say are miracles in their home - with the formation of ashes and kungum around their prayer place and walls, and the appearance of candy and honey dripping freely from the eyes of a Sai Baba statue. Widowed Rani Naicker, 50, a factory worker of Egret Crescent, Lotus Park, who shares a rented home with her three children, factory workers Sagren, 21, and Kumaran, 24, unemployed Nicole, 25, and her (Nicole's) three-year-old daughter Shenay, said they were blessed a day after the kavady festival in February, when Sagren noticed ashes forming on the top of a poster which featured Sai Baba's head. Since then, the family claims, there has been an overflow of ashes, kungum, turmeric powder, sugar candy and pink sweets, including the continuous dripping of sweet honey from a statue. These have mysteriously materialised. Ashes have also formed on several pictures of Sai Baba, Shridi Baba, Mother Mary and on the frame of a picture of Naicker's late husband, Manny Naicker."

House of Miracles

"Reference 4" "House of Miracles", Sunday 24 Mar 2002, Durban news, Sunday Times available online Devotees and tourists seeking cures for ailments and help with domestic problems have been flocking to a Durban home said to be blessed by the miracles of Sai Baba.

Kay Pillay, 59, owner of the home in Silverglen, Chatsworth, said the miracles began 11 years ago when honey started forming on a framed picture of Sai Baba.

"We knew it was the miracle of Baba, because we heard of it happening elsewhere. Soon we saw ash on the walls, kungu (coloured powder), turmeric powder, holy water, brass statues of deities, sugar candy, dates, prunes, cloves and coloured string representing the different deities," said Pillay. He said brass figurines representing deities appeared on auspicious religious days.

...Visitors can see honey dripping across a framed picture of Sai Baba, and two red velvet-covered throne-like chairs with a little stool from which ashen footprints lead to a burning lamp. On the floor are offerings of sweetmeats by devotees.

Pillay said every Wednesday and Saturday Baba's footprints are washed from the carpet and everything is cleaned. The following day, the powder and footprints reappear.

Palmer Baba's World

• Palmer W., Norris Baba's World: A Global Guru and his Movement in the book Gurus in America edited by Thomas A. Forsthoefel & Cynthia Ann Humes, published by SUNY Press, 2005 ISBN 079146573X, 9780791465738, google books
  • page 117 "As observers also report, given the strong following Baba has among prominent and national civic leaders in India, it is extremely unlikely that a case against Baba would be heard there or that he wouold be extradited to face charges elsewhere."
  • page 119 "Many prominent persons in India are devotees of Satya Sai Baba and he is also instrumental to many politicians in securing votes, Baba is accordingly largely left alone by the government and, therefore, relatively free from prosecution for any alleged offense related over the Internet, which has the twin effects of leaving his detractors angry about the lack of due process and his proponents angry about unsubstantiated libel without recourse."

Taylor Charismatic Authority in the Sathy Sai Baba movement

• Taylor, Donald Charismatic authority in the Sathya Sai Baba movement by Donald Taylor in 'Hinduism in Great Britain', Richard Burghart (ed.), 1987, London/New York: Tavistock Publications, pp. 130-131.

""CHALLENGE TO AUTHORITY" Sathya Sai Baba’s charismatic authority is vulnerable to challenge from both outside and within the movement. Outside the movement there are those who also claim to be holy men and who perform similar miracles. The production of a crystal ‘lingam’ from within himself is performed by so many other holy men that Sai Baba announced in 1976 that he would discontinue the practice. Others of rationalist conviction, such as Dr Kovoor, denounced him as a ‘fraudulent Godman whose miracles were nothing but plain magic’ (Rajghatta 1985: 48). To prove his point Dr Kovoor himself ‘miraculously’ produced a quantity of holy ash (vibhuti) which he distributed to eager recipients. He also challenged Sathya Sai Baba to allow his so-called miracles to be subjected to an investigation by a panel of like-minded rationalists, but Sai baba refused, and lost a considerable amount of support in doing so. Muted challenges from within the movement sometimes result in the withdrawal of membership. Dr Bhagavantham, formerly on the Council of Management of the Central Trust (also formerly scientific adviser to the Government of India), has recently left the movement; and another, Dr Gokak, formerly in charge of the education program, has tried to demolish the myths that surround Sai Baba. Other Indian academics have also left; and it is claimed that ‘many more devotees including most foreigners have already deserted the flock’ (Rajghatta, 1985: 48). Other challenges within the movement are more subtle, and also result in some devotees exhibiting miraculous powers, such as producing holy ash and bringing about miraculous cures. So far these powers are claimed to be derived from Sathya Sai Baba. But it is not difficult to see that such activities are challenges to Sai Baba’s authority. Unless they are met, the movement could disintegrate into numerous thaumaturgical sects centered upon charismatic individuals. One of the ways to meet this sort of challenge is to routinize charisma, thus transforming the structure of the movement to a legal-rational type. Another way in which Sathya Sai Baba has met these challenges has been to secure his position at the Center, by claiming to be the incarnation of the universal godhead, such that devotion to Christ, Allah, or whoever automatically comes to him. This sort of claim is not altogether unusual in Hinduism. It is interesting to note, however, that the Sai Baba advanced this claim in 1968, at a time when the movement was expanding into foreign countries, such as the United States, Australia, and Britain, and recruiting membership among emigrant ethnic Indians as much as western people. As the incarnation of the god of all gods the Sathya Sai Baba was thought to be the sole source of power. Today his devotees –whether they be Hindu, Christian, Buddhist, or Muslim – firmly believe this and are encouraged to continue within their own religious tradition, but seeing their devotions as being directed to him. A further way in which Sai Baba has met a potential challenge to his authority is to thwart any discussion about his successor. In 1963 he announced that he was the second incarnation in a series of three. The first had occurred in the human form of the Shirdi Sai Baba who was the incarnation of Sakthi. The second, himself, was the incarnation of Siva-Sakthi; and the third would be the incarnation of Siva as someone called Prema Sai to be born in Mysore State eight years after his own death. By defusing the problem of succession, he also defused the problem of authority. All authority remains firmly in his hands as long as he lives. Anyone else who claims this authority in Sai Baba’s lifetime will be recognized as a usurper or imposter.”

Kennedy Suicide, sex and the guru

• Kennedy, Dominic The Times (England), Aug. 27, 2001 ”Suicide, sex and the guru” available online

”Sai Baba's teachings, however, are a collection of banal truisms and platitudes. The most famous utterances he has made in a six decade-long career as a living god are Help ever, hurt never and Love all, serve all. Few are likely to argue with such a simplistic and universal moral code. He broadens his appeal further by allowing devotees to continue practising their own religion while paying homage to him.”

Kennedy I sought peace and couldn't find it

• Dominic Kennedy , The Times British News, 'I sought peace and couldn't find it' Available online & 'Three die after putting faith in guru' Available online: "The Times has learnt that three Britons have apparently taken their lives after placing hope in India's most popular holy man. One of them had complained of being repeatedly sexually molested by Sai Baba at his ashram in Puttaparthi near Bangalore. Michael Pender, an HIV-positive student, was found dead at a London hostel after taking alcohol and painkillers. He had already tried to commit suicide at the holy man's headquarters. Aran Edwards hanged himself at home in Cardiff after joining a Sai Baba support group and being encouraged to write to the guru to solve his psychological problems. Mr Edwards sent a flurry of anxious letters but was devastated after receiving no replies and being told that the guru did not read his mail.

Mr Pender, known as 'Mitch,' was found dead after taking tablets in the lonely bedroom of a hostel for the homeless in Highbury, North London. He was 23. ...He tried to commit suicide in the ashram. He had overdosed on drugs more than once. He had some strange, very powerful experiences there... 'He was quite an ill person, mentally unstable and needed orthodox help. In the end, he wrote a couple of dozen or more letters to Sai Baba. The group had told him this was what to do. He used to ring me from phone boxes pleading with me. There were 35 phone calls, I suppose . . . he was absolutely desperate that I should talk to Sai Baba for him because he was in such a state and had written all these letters which he had sent out and hadn't had a reply. Could I please help because I was Sai Baba's right-hand man?' At the end I said, 'Wake up. He doesn't even read these letters'. He was so distraught about the situation, he decided to commit suicide.' Aran Edwards, a single man, was found hanged from a staircase at his home in Cardiff, on April 19, 1999. He was 37. A suicide verdict was recorded by the coroner. On September 19, 1996, Mr Richardson travelled to Bangalore and hired a taxi at the railway station to one of the city's tallest buildings, the State Bank of Mysore. Mr Richardson flung banknotes and travellers' cheques in the air, ran into the bank and up the stairs to the eighth floor, where he smashed a window and leapt 84ft to the ground, killing himself. He was 33. Two letters were found on his body. One to Sai Baba outlined his quest for spiritual enlightenment. The second was a suicide note saying he was in a deep depression: 'I came to India in search of peace but could not find it.' His mother, Deirdre, at her home near Pietermaritzburg, said: 'Andrew wanted to see Sai Baba, but was also heading to Calcutta to see Mother Teresa . . . All he wanted to do was work with the poor.'"

Kester Ticket to Nirvana

• Kester, Sacha Sacha Kester “Ticket naar Nirvana”/”Ticket to Nirvana”, article in the Dutch Newspaper De Volkskrant 7 January 2003

English translation:“Those are according to most Indians real holy men. Lonely souls who retire in the Himalaya, or who wander with their shabby possessions and live from the alms given to them by believers. They do not perform trick, like materializing ash out of nothing, and they are not looking for followers who can pay a lot of money to reach nirvana. Not only hippies travel to India. Nurses, bank clerks, managers, and house wives: everybody who is looking for spiritual food, who has not managed to process the loss of the church or who has devoured books like the The Celestine Prophecy, everybody can buy a ticket to India. (..) But where to start among the many holy men? There are naked men who stand near a temple and whisper a mantra into your wear if you give them a coin. And there are celebrities who travel through the whole world and have a small office in every big city. But here too, answers are difficult to get. “You westerners always get it wrong”, Suranya Chakraverti says. “Either you ridicule a real guru and say that it is all hogwash or you do believe in spirituality and then choose for a swindler” A good example of the last category is Sai Baba: the man with the hair cut that would have made the Jackson Five jealous. He has million of followers who believe that he is god himself and the sorrow of those who after years of devotion saw through his deception is indescribable. The jewels and watches that he materializes are hidden in his chair. Followers who make large donation are given preferential treatment. He advises ill people not to take their medicine. He invites good looking young boys for a private interview to grope in their underwear and then to invite them to satisfy him orally. br>’Devastation. Devastation’, writes Hans de Kraker on a website where former follower have published their to stories as warning to others. ‘The facts, the truth, that for which we all travelled to India, is calling us now. The truth is calling for help’ Thus finding a guru is a precarious matter. In the book Karma Cola a German economist tells author Gita Mehta, “It is my opinion that quality control has to be introduced for gurus. Many of my friends have become crazy in India.” "

Dutch original “Het zijn niet alleen hippies die naar India trekken. Verpleegsters, bankbedienden, managers en huisvrouwen: iedereen die op zoek is naar geestelijk voedsel, die het verlies van de kerk niet weet te verteren of boeken als De Celestijnse Belofte heeft gevreten, iedereen kan een ticket naar India kopen.

     (..)

Maar waar te beginnen in dit woud van heilige mannen ? Je hebt naakte kerels die bij een tempel staan en je een mantra in de oren fluisteren als je ze een muntje in de handen drukt. En er zijn beroemdheden die de hele wereld afreizen en in elke grote stad een kantoortje hebben.

     (..)

Maar ook hier zijn de antwoorden moeilijk te vinden.’Jullie westerlingen weten altijd de plank mis te slaan’, zegt Suranya Chakraverti. ‘Of jullie maken een echte goede goeroe belachelijk en zeggen dat het allemaal zweverig gelul is. Of jullie geloven wel in spiritualiteit en kiezen vervolgens voor een oplichter.’ Een goed voorbeeld van die laatste categorie is Sai Baba: de man met het kapsel waar de Jackson Five jaloers op zouden zijn geweest. Hij heeft miljoenen volgelingen die geloven dat hij god zelf is en het verdriet van degenen die na jaren van devotie zijn bedrog doorzagen, is onbeschrijvelijk. De juwelen en horloges die hij materialiseert zitten verstopt in zijn stoel. Volgelingen die fors doneren krijgen een voorkeursbehandeling. Hij raadt zieken af hun medicijnen te nemen. En hij nodigt knappe jonge jongens uit voor een privé-interview, om vervolgens in hun onderbroek te graaien en hen uit te nodigen hem oraal te bevredigen. ‘Verwoesting. Verwoesting’, schrijft Hans de Kraker op een site waar ex-volgelingen hun verhaal als waarschuwing voor anderen hebben gepubliceerd. ‘De feiten, de waarheid, dat waarvoor wij allemaal naar India reisden, roept ons nu. De waarheid schreeuwt om hulp.’ Het vinden van een goeroe is dus een hachelijke zaak. In het boek Karma Cola zegt een Duitse econoom tegen auteur Gita Mehta: ‘Ik vind dat ze een kwaliteitscontrole voor goeroes moeten invoeren. Veel van mijn vrienden zijn gek geworden in India.’”

Lochtefeld

• Lochtefeld, James G. Ph.D. The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Hinduism Vol. I ISBN 0-8239-3179-X, New York Rosen 2002: From the entry godman, "One contemporary example of such a godman is Sathya Sai Baba"

Nagel Sai Paradox

• Nagel, Alexandra "De Sai Paradox"/"The Sai Paradox", 1994, nr. 29. published by the Free University Amsterdam press, ISBN 90-5383-341-2 press from the magazine Religieuze Bewegingen in Nederland, 'Sekten' /Religious movements in the Netherlands, 'Cults/Sects' ,, Full Dutch text available online, the editetor of the magazine was Reender Kranenborg

"Beyerstein (1992:3) estimates the amount at 6 million; Riti & Theodore (1993:31) at 30 million, Sluizer (1993:19) is talking about 70 million and Van Dijk's (1993:30) estimate is "between 50 and 100 million.'"

English translation "With this last remark it becomes plausible why Sai Baba's sexual acts, as Brooke and Ord told them, have been largely remained unknown: the majority of the devotees is not open enough to understand the symbolism or to accept it. It is totally unclear whether Swallow knew about Sai Baba's acts with young men and his hermaphrodism. From the way in which she portrayed Baba as an incarnation of Shiva, one could infer that she would have found it normal and appropriate that those events take place. Because Baba shows in his private surroundings his side of the 'supreme lover' and combines this in addidition with Shiva-Shakti, the male-female form." Reference: Swallow, Deborah A. 1982 Ashes and Powers: myth, rite and miracle in an Indian God-man's cult. In Modern Asian Studies jaargang 16 (1) pp.123-158.

Dutch original: "Middels deze laatste opmerking wordt aannemelijk waarom Sai Baba's sexuele handelingen zoals Brooke en Ord ze naar voren hebben gebracht, grotendeels onder de oppervlakte zijn gebleven: het merendeel van zijn devotees is niet open genoeg om de symboliek te kunnen begrijpen of te accepteren. Totaal onduidelijk is evenwel of Swallow kennis heeft genomen van Sai Baba's handelingen met jongemannen en zijn tweeslachtigheid. Uit de wijze waarop zij Baba als een incarnatie van Shiva heeft geportretteerd, zou afgeleid kunnen worden dat ze het niet meer dan normaal of passend zou vinden dat die gebeurtenissen plaatsvinden. Want Baba toont in de privé-omgeving zijn kant van 'opperste geliefde' en combineert dit bovendien met Shiva-Shakti, de man-vrouw vorm." Referentie: Swallow, Deborah A. 1982 Ashes and Powers: myth, rite and miracle in an Indian God-man's cult. In Modern Asian Studies jaargang 16 (1) pp.123-158.

Poggendorf-Kakar: Der Gottmensch aus Puttaparthi

Katharina Poggendorf-Kakar: Der Gottmensch aus Puttaparthi. Eine Analyse der Sathya-Sai-Baba-Bewegung und ihrer westlichen Anhänger. de:Verlag Dr. Kovac, Hamburg 1999. ISBN 3-8300-0060-X

• German original
• google translation from German to English

'Katharina Poggendorf-Kakar': Der Gottmensch aus Puttaparthi. Eine Analyse der Sathya-Sai-Baba-Bewegung und ihrer westlichen Anhänger. Verlag Dr. Kovac, Hamburg 1999. ISBN 3-8300-0060-X German Original Seite 106 "Alle Zentren und Gruppen haben jedoch die Auflage, aktualisierte Berichte -unter anderem mit dir Auflistung der Mitglieder - halbjährlich an das Zentralbüro in Puttaparthi zu schicken. Diese konkreten Zahlen können offenbar jedoch nicht jedem zugänglich gemacht werden.207 Um die Bedeutung der eigenen Gruppe aufzuwerten, werden in der Selbstdarstellung neureligöser Bewegungen meistens stark überhöhte Zahlenwere angegeben: Das erklärt auch, warum die Ashrammanager der Sathya-Sai-Bewegung darum bemüht sind, derartige Daten zu verschleiern. In Schriften der Organisation sind 1976 von ca. 20 Millionen Anhängern gesprochen, 1992 bereits von ca. 100 Millionen. 208 Aufgrund fehlender Statistiken und verlässlicher Quellen kann keine begründete Eigeneinschätzung der größe Organisation geleistet werden. Bedenkt man jedoch, dass es weltweit nicht mehr als 6500 Zentren und Gruppen gibt, kann davon ausgegangen werden, dass es sich bei den oben angegebenen Beispielen in der Selbstdarstellung der Organisation um eine grobe Selbstüberhohung handelt. 209"

'Katharina Poggendorf-Kakar':The God-man from Puttaparthi. An analysis of the Sathya Sai Baba movement and its Western supporters. Verlag Dr. Kovac, Hamburg 1999. ISBN 3-8300-0060-X de:Verlag Dr. Kovac, Hamburg 1999. ISBN 3-8300-0060-X English translation (manual improvement by user:Andries of google translate) Page 106 "All centers and groups, however, have an obligation to send twice per year updated reports, including listing of members - to the head office in Puttaparthi. These specific figures are obviously not made available to everyone. 207 To enhance the importance of their own groups, new religious movements will in most cases give highly inflated numbers. This explains why the Ashram managers of the Sathya Sai movement work hard to conceal such information. The writings of the organization stated that there were in 1976 approximately 20 million adherents and in1992 that there were approximately 100 million. 208 Due to a lack of reliable statistics and sources, no well-founded self-evaluation of the size of organization can be provided. Considering, however, that there are no more than 6500 centers and groups in the world, then it can be assumed that there is a strong self-inflation in the here-above mentioned examples in the self-assessment of the organization. 209 "

Sharma

(copied from exbaba.nl) Excerpt taken from:

article by Arvind Sharma "New Hindu religious movements in India" in the book "New Religious Movements and Rapid Social Change" edited by James A. Beckford published by SAGE Publications and UNESCO, 1986, pp. 228-231

THE SAI BABA MOVEMENT

The Sai Baba movement revolves around the figure of Sathya Sai Baba. Sathya Sai Baba was born in the village of Puttaparthi in the Anantapur district of what now is Andhra Pradesh in South India in a Ksatriya family (Swallow, 1982: 125). His rise to the present status may be seen as involving several stages.

The first of these occurred around 1940 when he was about 14 years of age. He suffered a fit. Subsequently this was explained as his having left his body to rescue a devotee. Upon recovering, the boy, then called Sathya Narayana Raju, claimed that he was an incarnation of Sai Baba of Shirdi (Sai Baba of Shirdi is a 'hot favorite' as an incarnate and 'is being torn apart by at least three ascetics'! Balse, 1976: 58). Thus, in order to find out more about Sathya Sai Baba, one is compelled to find out more about Sai Baba. Sai Baba was a religious figure associated with the place called Shirdi in Maharashtra, which he made famous. He appeared there in 1872 and died in 1918 (Swallow, 1982: 128, 131). The following aspects of his life and legend are of particular interest. (1) The ancestry of Sai Baba is shrouded in mystery, like that of the medieval poet-saint Kabir, so that it is not known for certain whether he was Hindu or Muslim by birth. (2) He combined elements of Hindu and Muslim worship in his ritual, of which an important part consisted of maintaining a fire in a hearth after the manner of Saiva Yogis. (3) He was known for working miracles as well as for therapeutic thaumaturgy. 'He used the ash of his hearth as a sacramental substance' for these purposes. (4) One of his followers was a Upasani Baba, who became a religious figure in his own right. The cult of Upasani Baba, who was a Brahmin, is prevailing Hindu in its orientation. (5) Upasani Baba was succeeded by a lady ascetic called Godavari Mata. 'The female ascetics, trained in Sanskriet, perform Vedic rites and wear the brightly colored ornaments and saris of married women.' The significance of these points will become clear in due course.

The second major stage in the life of Sathya Sai Baba came in 1963 when he made the claim that he was an incarnation of Siva. This claim also followed upon seizures.

"He collapsed, became totally paralyzed and went into a coma. For several days he remained in this state, once regaining consciousness to warn the devotees that he would have two more attacks. After this he once again regained consciousness. He insisted on giving his devotees darshan [darsana: Skt. 'a sight of him'] at the festival of Gurupurnima, and was carried in a state of semi-paralysis to the main hall of the ashram. There he performed a total cure on himself. Once again he explained that he had taken on a devotee's illness, but he also used the occasion to declare that he was the God Siva in mortal form." (Swallow, 1982: 129-130)

In order to understand the full significance of this claim, it should be realized that Siva is one of the two main gods of devotional Hinduism (Hiriyanna, 1978: 11) and that in Saivism the doctrine of incarnation (avatara) does not play as important a role as it does in Vaisnavism, of which it is a special feature. The fact that Sathya Sai Baba claimed to be an incarnation of Siva is therefore important. He is really employing a device here which accounts in part for the popularity of Vaisnavism (Gonda, 1970: 23) and also enhances his own. That he claimed to be an incarnation of Siva and not Visnu is also significant in view of the differences between the profiles of the two gods as their figures evolved. As Gonda concludes-des after comparing the two (1970: 13), 'In short, Visnu is, generally speaking, a friend nearer to man; Siva a lord and master, ambivalent and many-sided.'

Sathya Sai Baba thus made two primary associations, the first reincarnatory link and the second incarnatory; the first with Sai Baba, the second with Siva. The question, therefore, arises: what prompted him to make these claims? From the point of view of this study, the suggestions made by D.A. Swallow possess considerable explanatory power: 'I have argued that Sathya Sai Baba's demonstration of magical power is sufficient to attract devotees, and also places him in a well-established tradition. What, then, is the significance of his claim to be reincarnation of Baba?' (Swallow, 1982: 13). He suggests the following answer:

"Through his claim to be a reincarnation of Sai Baba, Sathya Sai Baba in the first instance has access to a heritage which derives from a number of saintly and ascetic religious traditions. Although the links are vague they are sufficient to connect him to a past, and give him respectability and authority. He does not, however, simply adopt Sai Baba's eclecticism wholesale. He has dropped the Islamic associations and instead places greater stress on elements adopted from the Saivite tradition in a particular form used by Nantpanthis. In this way Sathya Sai Baba has made his connections with the god Siva in preparation for the later claim he made to be a god himself." (Swallow, 1982: 135-6)

Swallow's answer may be supplemented with the observation that while, as against the obscure ancestry of Sai Baba, Sathya Sai Baba has developed a Brahmanical lineage connecting him with the Bharadvaja Gotra, he has also emphasized the Hindu element of the heritage (like Upanisani Baba) without giving up the eclectic claims of Sai Baba entirely. Moreover, the upward ritual revalation of women has been retained. The pattern fits in well with the demands of contemporary India in terms of both modernity and tradition. The rising status of women in modern times is given the stamp of approval, while the Hindu character of India (notwithstanding the secular status of the state) is recognized, as also is the fact that Hindu tolerance, while tolerant, is no doubt essentially Hindu.

Now that the possible reasons for association with Sai Baba have been discussed, a further question arises:

"The claim to be an avatar is by no means uncommon among Hindu Holy men. But why should Sathya Sai Baba seek a particular association with the God Siva? His family were not strict Saivites; Siva is not their istadevata. What is there in that God's character that he seeks to adopt as part of his own personality, and what relation does the story explaining the claim have to the whole body of myth and beliefs about Siva?" (Swallow, 1982: 137)

In order to understand the nature of the associations with Siva, some prior understanding of the nature of god Siva is necessary. This has been investigated and elaborated by students of Hinduism (for example, Gonda, 1970; O'Flaherty, 1973) and his chief characteristic has been mentioned earlier.

In this background, Swallow offers the explanation that Saiva mythology, to which Sathya Sai Baba attached himself, 'explores the paradox of conflicting aims' - ascetic and erotic - which are 'of universal concern'. This explanation needs to be supplemented, as there are other aspects of the Siva story which take on a new relevance in the context of modern India. It has often been maintained that Siva was an 'alien' god who was assimilated into the Hindu pantheon (Hiriyanna, 1978: 34 ff.). If such indeed was the case, then which god would be better qualified than Siva to preside over the integration of the influences of an 'alien' West with Hinduism? Moreover, the fact that Siva is a god more concerned with cosmic change, unlike Visnu, who is more concerned with cosmic stability, makes him ideally suited for mediating transition in a society undergoing widespread and rapid social change. How do we now translate the theology discussed hitherto into sociology? A crucial social fact comes to our aid here, the fact that 'Sathya Sai Baba's following comes almost exclusively from the urban middle classes' (Swallow, 1982: 152). If we place this along-side the other statistical fact that 'Sathya Sai Baba has a larger following that any of the contemporary Godmen of India' (Singh, 1975: x), then an interesting configuration emerges. India is undergoing rapid socio-economic change as the processes of industrialization, urbanization, modernization and Westernization gather pace. This has resulted in the expansion of the middle class, which finds itself caught in the tensions generated by the competing claims of tradition and modernity. The Sai Baba movement enables people to maintain contact with tradition as the country modernizes.

Literature mentioned in excerpt:

Balse, Maya (1976) "Mystics and Men of Miracles in India." New Delhi: Heritage Publishers.

Gonda, J. (1970) "Visnuism: A comparison." London: Athlone Press.

Hiriyanna, M. (1978, 1948) "Essentials of Indian Philosophy." London: Unwin Paperbacks.

O'Flaherty, Wendy Doniger (1973) "Asceticism and Eroticism in the Mythology of Siva." London: Oxford University Press.

Singh, Khuswant (ed.) (1975) "Guru's, Godmen and Good People." New Delhi: Orient Longman.

Swallow, Deborah A. (1982) "Ashes and Powers: Myth, Rite and Miracle in an Indian God-Man's Cult." Modern Asian Studies, 16(1), 123-58.

White, C.S.J. (1972) "The Sai Baba Movement: Approaches to the Study of Indian Saints." Journal of Asian Studies, 31(4), 863-78.

Urban

Hugh B. Urban Avatar for Our Age: Sathya Sai Baba and the Cultural Contradictions of Late Capitalism doi:10.1016/S0048-721X(02)00080-5 | How to Cite or Link Using DOI Copyright © 2003 Published by Elsevier Science Ltd.

Department of Comparative Studies, Ohio State University, USA

"With his chubby cherubic face, cast in a seeming eternal smile and surrounded by a mass of curly black hair, Sathya Sai Baba (b. 1926) stands out as perhaps India’s most recognisable, most popular and most infamous of gurus. Known above all for his miraculous powers and his apparent ability to produce all variety of material objects, sweets, jewelry and trinkets out of nothingness, Sai Baba has quickly become among the most powerful religious leaders, particularly among India’s affluent, well-educated middle classes. Any traveler in India knows that his image, displayed on posters, billboards, postcards and book jackets, is inescapable and that he is surely one of the most dominant cultural icons in all of the subcontinent. It has been said, not unbelievably, that the only person in India who can draw larger crowds than Sai Baba is the Prime Minister. Recently, moreover, his fame has also spread to the West, where he has become a favourite guru of international celebrities like Isaac Tigrett, multi-millionaire founder of the ‘Hard Rock Cafe´’ empire, even as he has been accused of child abuse and voted one of the top five ‘scum-bag gurus’ by a recent Internet web-site.1

Yet rather strikingly, Sai Baba has seldom been taken seriously by modern scholarship and has for the most part been dismissed as, at best, a passing spiritual fad and, at worst, a dangerous charlatan and paedophile. The few scholars who have looked seriously at Sai Baba have for the most part taken one of two positions: either an extremely reductionistic attack and ‘unmasking’ of Sai Baba’s supernatural claims, as we see, for example, in the caustic critique of B. Premanand,2 or a fairly uncritical, largely sympathetic and apologetic stance, explaining Sai Baba’s miracles in terms of traditional Hindu religious patterns, as we see for example in the more generous interpretation offered by Lawrence Babb (1986); see also Klass 1991; Swallow 1982; White 1972). Though there are numerous devotional works (see Brooke 1979; Hislop 1978; Kasturi 1970–77; Ruhela and Robinson 1976), there has to date been no single critical study of Sai Baba’s life and works in light of their more concrete historical social, political and economic context in late twentieth century India."

Velde Downfall

• Velde, Koert van der in Trouw newspaper Downfall 6 Sept. 2000 Dutch original Ondergang
• "Welcome to the mourners' club," e-mails ex-Sai Baba devotee (worshipper) Leo to his new fellow-sufferers. He does not want his name in the newspaper. "For me it's now been a week since I'm an ex, and that after eleven years." As a result of all the rumors that he heard and in spite of Sai Baba's prohibition, he took a look on the internet. "It was shocking. I could no longer dismiss it as a conspiracy of negative forces and disappointed devotees." He is now in mourning. "Baba was not only my father and mother but also the founder of my world view. I've torn up all his photos."Dutch original De ondergang van een goeroe: Sai Baba

”Welkom bij de club der rouwenden', e-mailt ex-Sai Baba-devotee (vereerder) Leo, aan nieuwe lotgenoten. Hij wil zijn naam niet in de krant. ,,Voor mij is het nu een week dat ik ex ben, en dat na elf jaar. Naar aanleiding van alle geruchten die hij hoorde, nam hij ondanks Sai Baba's verbod een kijkje op internet. ,,Schokkend was het. Ik kon het niet meer afdoen als een complot van negatieve krachten en teleurgestelde devotees. Hij is nu in de rouw. ,,Baba was niet alleen mijn vader en moeder maar ook de grondlegger van mijn wereldbeeld. Ik heb al zijn foto's verscheurd.”

Woodhead Flechter Religion in the Modern World: Traditions and Transformation

Woodhead, Linda & Fletcher Paul. Religion in the Modern World: Traditions and Transformation. Routledge (UK), ISBN 0-415-21784-9: "By far the most famous Godman of today is Sathya Sai Baba" (p. 29);

Various authors in India Today A God Accused

• India Today December 04, 2000 A God Accused available online

"As of now, there are no complaints that have been filed in India...Controversy could well be Sai Baba's middle name. He has been dogged by various kinds of allegations in the past-though none of them has ever been proven."

• India Today December 04, 2000 A God Accused

"As of now, there are no complaints that have been filed in India...Controversy could well be Sai Baba's middle name. He has been dogged by various kinds of allegations in the past-though none of them has ever been proven."

Mt. Shasta, Peter Authentic Miracle

• Search for the Guru, by Peter Mt. Shasta, Church of the Seven Rays, 2016, "The Kalki Avatar," ISBN 978-0692578988: "No sooner had I put down my backpack than he placed an amulet with Baba's picture on it in the palm of my hand. I stared at the smooth, plastic image as a dew-like drop formed and ran off the surface onto my hand. It gave off a celestial fragrance unlike anything I had ever smelled, and that dissolved all trace of fatigue. Another drop formed and then another; soon a rivulet was running into my palm and between my fingers. To contain the liquid I put the amulet in a quart-sized can, and watched the fluid reach the brim, then stop. He removed the amulet with the spoon and poured off the amrit (Divine nectar) into two clean soda bottles with screw caps. I had not eaten since the previous day, as I had been unable to find food that was not too spicy, and now broke my fast with this precipitated nectar. That drink was the most delicious thing I had ever tasted. Later I heard I was told Baba said that drinking this amrit frees one from the cycle of birth and death." — Preceding unsigned comment added by DharmaMountain (talk • contribs) 02:04, 17 May 2018 (UTC)

Andries page

I'm no longer following this page. It's just another Andries page--Satrughna (talk) 20:53, 7 November 2009 (UTC)

List of quotes from sources that could be used for the article Sathya Sai Baba. Andries (talk) 21:35, 7 November 2009 (UTC)

Above Source List Problem - Self Published and Unreliable sources

In the above list I see a number of unreliable sources and self published material. There are n't too many academic and other neutral University publications recommended by the Arbitration commitee. The above list cannot be used as it is. It has to be reviewed again and probably corrected.

Thanks. Radiantenergy (talk) 04:21, 5 January 2010 (UTC)

Like what? I am not the only editor of this list. Andries (talk) 19:39, 26 April 2010 (UTC)

The list by the arbitration committee source is not very suitable for the biography because none of them gives a serious biography. They are better suited for the article Sathya Sai Baba movement. One of the books recommended by the arbcom (Babb) explicitly writes that a serious biograhy is impossible. Andries (talk) 21:07, 5 January 2010 (UTC)

If somebody thinks that excerpts are from unreliable sources or unreliabe excerpts from generally reliable sources then please be specific and let me know here and we can discuss this if and why this is unreliable. As far as I can see, all excerpts are reliable. Andries (talk) 12:18, 9 May 2010 (UTC)

I posted quite a lot of academic sources here years ago and nobody bothered to use them for any of the SSB related articles. So I do not see a reason why should I take the effort to post more. Andries (talk) 09:22, 19 December 2010 (UTC)